If, as the Labor Party hopes and expects, Britain will soon have its first Socialist Government since 1951, it may be of interest to know Labor's attitude to the Common Market-our attitude to the past negotiations which were suddenly ended by General de Gaulle's notorious press conference, as well as our attitude to the possibility of negotiations after the next general election.
If, as the Labor Party hopes and expects, Britain will soon have its first Socialist Government since 1951, it may be of interest to know Labor's attitude to the Common Market-our attitude to the past negotiations which were suddenly ended by General de Gaulle's notorious press conference, as well as our attitude to the possibility of negotiations after the next general election.
But if I am to make our Socialist view of British relations to Europe intelligible to non-British readers, I must first sketch, in broad outline, the background of party politics against which our great debate on the Common Market has been taking place. In Britain as in the United States, great decisions in the sphere of international relations are not usually taken solely in terms of international relations; normally they are very largely determined by domestic considerations. It should cause no surprise, therefore, to discover the role played by internal political pressures in Mr. Macmillan's sudden decision to apply for British entry into the European Economic Community, and Mr. Gaitskell's decision a year later to oppose the Macmillan terms as completely unacceptable.
It is unnecessary here to resume the case which the Prime Minister, together with Lord Home and Mr. Heath, propounded for breaking the inhibitions of insular and imperial self-sufficiency and declaring entry to the Common Market to be a precondition of British economic and political revival. Since we are seeking to analyze not the Government's but the Labor Party's attitude, what concerns us are not so much the real deep-seated motives of the Government's sudden change of front, but how it appeared to the politicians who faced them on the Opposition front bench. Seen from this point of view, Mr. Macmillan and his colleagues seemed to be still staunchly attached to traditional Conservative policies, even when the Commonwealth Conference was summoned in the early months of 1961. Neither in the published account of that conference, nor apparently in its private proceedings, was any suggestion made that Britain should depart from the attitude to the Six which the President of the Board of Trade had propounded two years earlier on February 12, 1959:
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In 1962 the European enthusiasts in Brussels were explaining regretfully that although British membership would slow down the process of European integration-perhaps severely impede the whole movement toward a United States of Europe-it was a price that had to be paid for widening the geographical spread of the Community. No doubt these people, while regretting the manner of General de Gaulle's rupture of negotiations with Britain, are now privately relieved that the price will not have to be paid. Their view is that Britain's inherent weakness is such that she will be compelled sooner or later to come back and knock on the door again and plead for entry into the European Economic Community (E.E.C.). On the whole, better later than sooner. The European Community will by then have consolidated itself; it will be able to impose its terms with less difficulty and, in fairness it should be added, will be less niggling about making small concessions which may contravene the letter, though not the spirit, of the Treaty of Rome.
Mr. Harold Wilson has been leader of the Labor Party for nearly a year; in 1964 he may well become Britain's first Socialist Prime Minister in 13 years. Around his aims and methods, and in particular his expressed belief in the possibility of a new society created by technological as much as by political change, have gathered much speculation and comment. However, he is by nature cautious, anxious to nourish growing party aspirations rather than initiate controversial debate, and therefore unlikely to be hasty in making innovations in either domestic or foreign policies. It is the latter which will be considered here.
For the first time in a generation, there is real hope for peace in Northern Ireland. A fortunate political constellation in Britain, the United States, and Ireland provided the impetus to make the compromises needed for a viable pact. But the Good Friday Agreement is fragile. It survived its first major challenge, this summer's marching season and its attendant strife, only by a grim kind of Irish luck: a brutal bombing that killed three boys and inspired both unionists and republicans to renew their commitment to the accord. The province's new government will face more such challenges, and its ability to overcome them depends on a few good men.
