If the United States is to secure its vital interests in Latin America, it must better understand the nature of revolution there; it must determine more precisely its relationship and commitment to that revolution; and it must revise accordingly its Latin American policies and programs, both private and public.
If the United States is to secure its vital interests in Latin America, it must better understand the nature of revolution there; it must determine more precisely its relationship and commitment to that revolution; and it must revise accordingly its Latin American policies and programs, both private and public.
Today there can be no doubt that the interests of the United States are in jeopardy. Chaos and violence are prevalent in some countries and imminent in others. Our efforts to promote economic development and political stability have been less than satisfactory, especially in rural areas. Conversely, one of the most hopeful political developments in the hemisphere, the Christian-Democratic movement led by Eduardo Frei of Chile, came about and is proceeding in several countries quite apart from our efforts. In fact, it appears to derive part of its virility from its political and ideological alienation from the United States, as well as its increasing affinity with Europe.
The initial vision of the Alliance for Progress has been blurred and its spiritual message garbled. Once more the image of the United States is tarnished by the suspicion that it is committed to the status quo and therefore to passive resistance to change. The unique dedication of the Alliance to what in Latin America is seen as radical reform, which enlightened its inception and gave it fire, has been all but smothered. With it has gone the ideological initiative which the United States had seized in 1963.
There of course were those in places of power and influence who chafed noisily under the demands of the Alliance for tax reform, more equitable land distribution and other actions which in the Latin American context must be called revolutionary. There were more, however, who inarticulately and undemonstrably felt for the first time that their rich and powerful neighbor to the north was genuinely committed to the struggle for social justice; that there was in truth a real alternative to the cynical demagogues of the Left who promised progress but at the cost of becoming their captives; an alternative, also, to the crumbling and decrepit structures of present power.
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The Thirteenth Dalai Lama, a year prior to his death in 1933, composed a Last Testament in response to petitions by his Ministers for perpetual guidance.[i] It was a legacy of leadership, prescribing a course by which Tibet might avoid international pitfalls which he even then foresaw. The Dalai Lama described his time as one beset by "Five Kinds of Degeneration." Among the worst of calamities, he said, "is the manner of working among the red people" (i.e. the Communists). Referring to the ills which had befallen their co-religionists in Mongolia, he warned the Tibetans it "may happen that here, in the center of Tibet, the religion and the secular administration may be attacked both from the outside and from the inside." His Testament continues: "Tibet is happy, and in comfort now; the matter rests in your hands. All civil and military matters should be organized with knowledge; act in harmony; do not pretend to do what you cannot do. . . . High officials, low officials, and peasants must all act in harmony to bring happiness to Tibet. One person alone cannot lift a heavy carpet; several must unite to do so."
We are confronting in Latin America what is in essence an ideological crisis-a question of purpose. Given our national predilections this is the kind of problem we find most difficult to deal with. The temptation is to retreat, retrench and look inward. This is an impossibility: our wealth is too great not to share, our enterprise too successful and too useful not to expand, our interests-and the peace of the world-too vulnerable not to protect.
The Polish elections may signal the dawning of a political force in Central and Eastern Europe-Christian democracy, with emphasis on both words.

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