An American traveling in Japan is likely to feel that he has passed through the looking glass. For millions of Japanese-conceivably a majority-the United States' presence in their islands is not a protection, but a provocation. China is seen not as a menace, but as a growling giant caught in a web of problems. The aggressive speeches of Lin Piao and Chen Yi do not mean what they say, but are merely traditional Chinese exaggeration and bluster. The American effort in Viet Nam may be in the national interest of the United States, the Japanese say, but of no one else.
An American traveling in Japan is likely to feel that he has passed through the looking glass. For millions of Japanese-conceivably a majority-the United States' presence in their islands is not a protection, but a provocation. China is seen not as a menace, but as a growling giant caught in a web of problems. The aggressive speeches of Lin Piao and Chen Yi do not mean what they say, but are merely traditional Chinese exaggeration and bluster. The American effort in Viet Nam may be in the national interest of the United States, the Japanese say, but of no one else.
The visitor's somewhat eerie feeling is enhanced by innumerable paradoxes: Japan is governed by a conservative coalition with an ample majority, but is dominated politically and intellectually by the left; the much abused Americans are, according to public-opinion polls, by far the best liked foreigners; the United Nations is overwhelmingly popular, yet no politician dare suggest that Japan contribute to its peacekeeping forces, as allowed by the Constitution; a nation which probably translates more foreign writing for home consumption than any other seems isolated intellectually; a society reputed to be the most avid for what is au courant appears strangely behind the times, whether it be in its Marxism or its business practices; and, finally, in a country inundated by political verbiage and deeply divided on basic issues, there is almost no serious debate.
It is not hard to trace the causes of these and many other inconsistencies. It is more difficult to see how Japan will find her way out of them so that she can achieve greater purpose and clearer policy. Twenty years is a long time, as Japanese are fond of reminding Americans on Okinawa, but Japan continues to drift. Weak leadership and a limited view of what is politically feasible leaves the initiative to the leftists, who seek to accomplish in the streets what they cannot achieve in the Diet. Democracy survives but does not grow. Between the conservatives, who observe its letter but still question its spirit, and the so-called "progressives," who cherish its liberties but flout its rules and responsibilities, democracy makes its unsteady way.
This is a premium article
You must be a Foreign Affairs subscriber to continue reading. If you are already a print subscriber, click here to activate your online access.
Log In
Buy PDF
Buy a premium PDF reprint of this article.Related
Although Japan and China have close economic ties, their diplomatic relations have been strained by clashing interests and cultural friction. The United States has an important role to play in promoting cooperation between Tokyo and Beijing and helping them adjust to a new phase in East Asia's history.
The major events of 1983 in East Asian politics and economics can be looked at from three broad vantage points or planes of abstraction. At the most general level one sees, rather like the movements of tectonic plates on the earth's surface, a slight shift in the center of gravity of U.S. foreign policy from Europe toward Asia. In large part this shift is prompted by a growing realization among the leaders of the United States and Japan that their nations will, for the indefinite future, be paramount in the fundamental sciences and their practical offshoots in microelectronics, biotechnology, fine ceramics, and other new areas of technical development, and that Western Europe will trail in most of these fields and the Soviet Union simply be left behind. The fact that the American President met with the prime minister of Japan three times during 1983 underscores this trend, as did the President's statement in Tokyo in November that "No relationship between any two countries is more important to world peace and prosperity than the relationship between the United States and Japan."
US-Japanese relations, which have always been volatile, are at present strained by the trade imbalance, and by confused US attitudes to the development of Japanese military capability. Policy-makers in both countries have taken an acrimonious view. Washington seems to lack a Japanese policy, while Tokyo is dominated by the interest-group politics of the LDP factions. Suggests that a permanent 'wise men's commission' be drawn from both sides, to recommend fair solutions to trade issues, thus taking them out of the hands of particular interests.
