In military and technical terms, we can envisage agreements to limit strategic arms which would be sufficiently verifiable to be enforceable and which would enhance both the security of the United States and the security of the Soviet Union. On-site inspection is no longer the immovable roadblock that it has been in the past. Unilateral means of verification, available to both sides, provide forms of inspection as effective for some purposes as on-the-ground surveys.
SECURITY THROUGH LIMITATIONS
In military and technical terms, we can envisage agreements to limit strategic arms which would be sufficiently verifiable to be enforceable and which would enhance both the security of the United States and the security of the Soviet Union. On-site inspection is no longer the immovable roadblock that it has been in the past. Unilateral means of verification, available to both sides, provide forms of inspection as effective for some purposes as on-the-ground surveys.
It remains true that weapons have certain important characteristics that cannot be limited effectively by agreement without disclosures which go beyond what can be obtained unilaterally. And, without such inspection, there would be a greater possibility that we would have to withdraw from an agreement because of uncertainty about weapons improvements by the other side. But these reservations need not block the negotiation of a useful treaty that would increase our national security.
Strategic arms limitations could produce extra bonuses in addition to improved military security-among them the possibility of increasing the resources available for other purposes, of increasing East-West coöperation and of adopting additional arms-control measures. For the present I will leave to others the discussion of these latter hopes, prospects and advantages, as well as the problems of negotiating arms-limitation agreements, and concentrate on what I see as the most critical objective: increased security in a nuclear world.
Exactly how can we judge whether a particular agreement to limit strategic weapons would contribute to the security of the United States? In general, there are three principal goals to be taken into account in considering any strategic policy:
To deter a deliberate nuclear attack by maintaining military forces that could survive such an attack and still inflict an unacceptable level of damage on the attacker, providing thereby a high degree of assurance that no country would decide to attack.
To have the means to limit casualties to some degree in the event of an "irrational" war, or a limited accidental launching of weapons, or a so- called "third-country" attack-that is, an attack by a nuclear power other than one of the two nuclear superpowers.
To have the power to initiate strategic war while limiting one's own casualties to an "acceptable" level-a potential overwhelming first strike.
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Negotiations between the United States and the Soviet Union on nuclear arms control are at an impasse. Following the deployment in Europe of the first U.S. Pershing II and cruise missiles in the fall of 1983, the Soviet Union walked out of the negotiations on intermediate-range forces (INF) and refused to agree to a resumption date for the negotiations on strategic nuclear forces (START). Whether and under what conditions the negotiations will resume is uncertain.
Heady years for arms control make a superpower complacent. The structure of restraint accepted by Washington and Moscow could crack; meanwhile, proliferation continues apace and nuclear materials trickle onto the world market. The Clinton team has followed through on the work of past negotiators, but it is high time for a third start. The United States should propose the dramatic steps of placing nuclear warheads in "strategic escrow" and banning ballistic missiles. Advanced monitoring and inspection technologies make the plan practicable, and there will be security payoffs for all.
Twice before, America had the opportunity to make the prevention of conflict its first line of defense. It must not lose this moment after the Cold War to foment a revolution in security strategy. Preventing proliferation is key, and U.S. programs help turn Soviet missile sites into sunflower fields. The American armed services, the world's most emulated, show other militaries how to function in a civil society and conduct exchanges that head off misunderstandings. In Europe, George Marshall's fondest hopes are being realized through the Partnership for Peace, which reverberates well beyond the security realm. Meanwhile, the United States leverages forces for maximum deterrence and invests in smart technology. But its best investment is in openness and trust, the essential tools of the art of peace.
