The Berlin Blockade and the Use of the United Nations
With the tentative accord on the status of Berlin achieved by the envoys of the United States, the Soviet Union, Britain and France in August it appears that this cause of contention may finally be put to rest. Agreement has been a long time in coming.
With the tentative accord on the status of Berlin achieved by the envoys of the United States, the Soviet Union, Britain and France in August it appears that this cause of contention may finally be put to rest. Agreement has been a long time in coming.
In 1948, Russian harassments blockading access to the city were submitted to the Security Council of the United Nations by France, Great Britain and the United States as "a threat to the peace within the meaning of Chapter VII of the Charter." In the spring of 1949 negotiations led to the lifting of the blockade but in 1959 the Soviets threatened to make a treaty with East Germany which, they claimed, would void the rights of the Western Allies.
The Berlin crisis of 1961 was, in the view of Richard Stebbins, "perhaps the gravest East-West crisis of the postwar period." On October 18 of that year, Secretary of State Rusk told a news conference that he would not pretend there had been no differences of opinion in the negotiations of the Western Powers on the way to deal with the Berlin crisis, but they were united on the principle of standing firm on their rights in Berlin. This was reminiscent of 1948, but now there were four Western Powers; for the German Federal Republic, whose abortion the Soviets had sought in 1948, participated on full equality with France, Great Britain and the United States. During that summer of 1961, Rusk was repeatedly asked whether the Berlin question would be taken to the United Nations. Rusk asserted that "if this crisis develops into a situation of very high tension, you can be certain it will come before the United Nations in some form."
In 1963 there were further Russian interferences with United States convoys on the autobahn. In March 1970 Four-Power talks on the status of Berlin started again. The patterns of 1948 were still sporadically recalled by hold-ups and blockages disingenuously justified by the repetition of stale excuses.
Drew Middleton quoted a "West European politician" in February 1971 as saying: "Don't ask me why the Russians continue to harass West Berlin. I just thank heaven they do; it helps hold Europe together." Is he correct, or is a quoted Dutch official more correct when he says: "Berlin is the panic button"?[i]
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Site of post-WW2 tensions, Berlin now finds itself relegated to the margin of political and economic change across Europe. Even the FRG is showing less and less interest in Berlin's future. Nevertheless, NATO should not ignore it, but include it in a new vision for FRG-GDR relations and the ending of the division of Europe.
The rationale of West German foreign policy is very simple: the postwar era has ended. Its hallmarks were high hopes for Western political structures on the one hand, and high tension between East and West on the other. Now a new epoch is in the offing. In the West it is going to be characterized by less ambitious objectives and more pragmatic approaches. The achievements of the fifties and sixties will not be dismantled, but the aims for the immediate future will be lowered. Dreams of "Atlantic Union Now" or "Instant Europe" must give way to expectations more closely geared to realities: wider and deeper coöperation, without necessarily institutional perfection. Between East and West the new era could be one of diminished tension and growing détente, of more coöperation and less confrontation. Not unlike President Nixon, the Bonn government is also trying to "build agreement upon agreement" without in any way deluding itself that this could be a process easily or speedily accomplished.
Early on August 22, 1939, the world was startled to learn from an announcement in the Soviet press that German Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop would arrive in Moscow on the following day to sign a nonaggression pact. Equipped with instructions from Adolf Hitler authorizing him to sign both a treaty and a secret protocol that would enter into force as soon as signed by the two countries (rather than when ratified later), Ribbentrop left for Moscow that evening. At the airport, the German delegation was met by deputy commissar for foreign affairs, Vladimir P. Potemkin, who earlier that year had declined an invitation to meet with British Foreign Secretary Lord Halifax.
