Dilemmas of Détente: Apparatchiks and Entrepreneurs: US-Soviet Economic Relations
If the world should erupt before these words are in print, the fault is unlikely to lie with the policy of détente. So far, the advantages of détente have been somewhat more evident than the costs. The capacity of the two superpowers to communicate effectively in the white heat of the Middle East crisis, for instance, must surely be counted as a significant dividend.
If the world should erupt before these words are in print, the fault is unlikely to lie with the policy of détente. So far, the advantages of détente have been somewhat more evident than the costs. The capacity of the two superpowers to communicate effectively in the white heat of the Middle East crisis, for instance, must surely be counted as a significant dividend.
The policy of détente, however, is extremely vulnerable. It is exposed to the possibility that differences such as the Middle East imbroglio may prove too large to be contained. And it is exposed to another source of peril-less obvious but no less powerful-namely, that the dividends from détente, including the economic dividends, will be distributed between the parties in a grossly lopsided way.
During two decades of cold war, the economic contacts between the United States and the U.S.S.R. were reduced to a bare minimum. On one side of the iron curtain, the Soviet Union sat sullen and withdrawn. On the other side, the United States was busy imposing an Orwellian mesh of bureaucratic controls to choke off any initiatives that its own businessmen happened to offer.
On the surface, the objective of the U.S. controls was to protect or advance the security of the United States. But even a passing familiarity with these controls suggested that other standards also were being applied. At times the U.S. bureaucracy seemed to be screening all transactions by one simple criterion: How would an ignorant, though well-meaning, patriotic Congressman react? Accordingly, exports were prohibited and imports discouraged even when the effect on U.S. security seemed remote. The Soviet bureaucracy was treated to a dress rehearsal of what would happen if an embargo were applied by force of arms, and one can be sure that it profited from the rehearsal.
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Heretofore, Western observers of economic reform in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe have concentrated almost exclusively on internal changes. Most of us have been fascinated by the provocative debate and by the subsequent decision of the East European governments to emphasize such concepts as profit, interest, rent and managerial autonomy and to deëmphasize centralized planning. This concentration on internal economic reforms has tended to divert attention from the equally significant changes that the East Europeans have introduced into their international economic structure.
The United States and the whole West are facing particularly hard times. Détente between the superpowers has come to a standstill; world peace is in jeopardy, and mistakes now can be more hazardous than ever before. The time has come to speak as candidly as possible, to avoid dangerous misunderstandings among Western partners and allies.
US policy to isolate the USSR from the world economy (such as the 1974 Jackson-Vanik amendment, the grain embargo, and the attempt to impede the Soviet-European gas pipeline) ought now to be discontinued, so that (1) Western businesses can discover the new Soviet market (2) an economic wedge can be inserted to prevent backsliding in Soviet political and economic reform.
