The Year of Economics: US Trade Policy: The New Political Dimensions
New tremors in the world economy threaten to put a stop to the painstaking efforts by which American trade policy is being, with much uncertainty, adapted to modern times. The danger should be fought off-but that will require still more adaptation.
New tremors in the world economy threaten to put a stop to the painstaking efforts by which American trade policy is being, with much uncertainty, adapted to modern times. The danger should be fought off-but that will require still more adaptation.
After a period of unprecedented continuity, from 1934 to the mid-1960s, American foreign trade policy entered a time of great uncertainty. The implications for the world economy were serious, since American policy had been the lever by which a high degree of trade liberalization had been achieved. The strong unilateral action taken by the United States in the summer of 1971-ending the convertibility of the dollar into gold and imposing a surcharge on imports-dramatically suggested how disruptive an American turn to clear-cut economic nationalism might be. In retrospect, it can also be seen as a watershed beyond which American policy made a new start toward the further liberalization of world trade. Ambiguities, uncertainties and obstacles remained, other countries were slow to respond, but a process was under way. Now, suddenly, the entire effort is imperilled by new, dramatic events that seem likely to bring out the worst in everyone.
The questions are not just those of Watergate, foreign oil, Russian wheat, the wounds of Vietnam, traumatic reactions in Japan, and the year of Europe that was, though all these are part of the picture. To understand the present position, we need to look not only at recent events but at some fundamental changes in the political dimensions of American foreign trade policy. International relations, domestic politics, and changes in the nature of international trade policy itself are all involved. A few new developments are clear-cut and have predictable consequences for trade policy. For the most part analysis runs up against developments that are more sensed than demonstrated, and must deal with vivid events that may not have anything like the same significance in the long run that people now ascribe to them. The best that one can do at this point is to try to clarify the issues. In international economic affairs, "thinking makes it so" more often than is generally realized. Therein may lie the difference between a zero-sum game (in which one nation or group gains only at the expense of others) and a game in which all can gain if they do the right things. Both kinds exist in the world economy, and it helps to know which one is playing.
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The second Nixon administration starts amid growing concern about a decline in American competitiveness in the world economy, ascribed to our loss of technological lead in a number of fields. It would be easy to follow very mistaken policies at such a time, because of what some people would call "natural political reactions," others our sad institutional habit of fighting against, instead of working to take advantage of, desirable trends for mankind.
Oil experts, economists and government officials who have attempted in recent years to predict future demand and prices for oil have had only marginally better success than those who foretell the advent of earthquakes or the second coming of the Messiah. The recent records of those who have told us we were running out of petroleum and gas are an example. Oil shortages were predicted in the 1920s, again in the late thirties, and after the Second World War. None occurred, and supply forecasters went to the other extreme: past predictions of shortages had been wrong, they reasoned, therefore all such future predictions must be wrong and we could count on an ample supply of oil for as long as we would need it.
In the summer of 1971, President Nixon and Secretary Connally revolutionized U.S. foreign economic policy. In so doing, they promoted a protectionist trend which raises questions about the future of the U.S. economy at least as fundamental as those raised by the abrupt adoption of wage-price controls. In so doing, they have also encouraged a disastrous isolationist trend which raises questions about the future of U.S. foreign policy at least as fundamental as those raised by the President's essentially positive and decidedly non-isolationist China initiative, Vietnam policy and negotiations with the Soviet Union. Both the U.S. economy and U.S. foreign policy for the relevant future hang in the balance.

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