The Trade Politics of Middle Eastern Industrialization
The essential difference between rich and poor nations (say the less-developed countries) is the percentage between the purchase price of an ounce of raw cocoa in West Africa and the selling price of a Hershey bar in New York (or, indeed, Accra). The poor nations get only the fluctuating price of the raw commodity, determined by outside buyers. The rich countries receive the value added by transporting, manufacturing and packaging the commodity into an end product, along with all the jobs and industry created - from shipbuilders and wax paper manufacturers to advertising agencies.
Louis Turner and James Bedore are members of the Research Staff at the Royal Institute of International Affairs (Chatham House), London, working on a project on Middle Eastern industrialization that is being financed by the Ford Foundation. They will publish a book on their findings in 1979, under the tentative title, Middle Eastern Industrialization: The Saudi and Iranian Cases. Louis Turner is author of Oil Companies in the International System, as well as Multinational Companies in the Third World, among other works. James Bedore has worked on problems of development in Africa, Asia and the Middle East, both in a public and private capacity, and served as a consultant to the Saudi Arabian government in 1974-76.
The essential difference between rich and poor nations (say the less-developed countries) is the percentage between the purchase price of an ounce of raw cocoa in West Africa and the selling price of a Hershey bar in New York (or, indeed, Accra). The poor nations get only the fluctuating price of the raw commodity, determined by outside buyers. The rich countries receive the value added by transporting, manufacturing and packaging the commodity into an end product, along with all the jobs and industry created - from shipbuilders and wax paper manufacturers to advertising agencies.
Poor nations naturally wish to produce the candy bar in West Africa, near the source of the raw material that makes it all possible. Developed countries say this doesn't make economic sense; they have invested huge amounts of capital in shipping lines and chocolate factories; they already have the necessary trained tasters and candy-wrapping work force, and can do the job better than the poor nations ever could. The Third World replies that the developed countries - grouped in the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) - control this whole industrialization/manufacturing process and that the LDCs must break into it if they are ever to gain higher living standards and some economic independence. At issue are all the concerns of industrial and trade politics: the transfer of technology and capital, surplus productive capacity in Western industries, access by LDCs to OECD markets, jobs, tariffs, protectionism, economic autarky or dependence, self-esteem, power.
Now, for the first time since the breakup of the old colonial empires and the reemergence of Japan as an industrial producer after World War II, a group of less-developed countries in the Middle East and North Africa are moving to break into this industrialization cycle. Their weapon is not chocolate but their huge resources of oil and natural gas. Rather than simply shipping crude oil to the West and Japan, they are attempting to move downstream to produce and export refined petroleum products and petrochemicals - the basis of items from synthetic fibers, fertilizers and plastics to rubber and pharmaceuticals. Gas is not only important as an energy source and chemical feedstock, but is also the basis for new methods of steel-making and aluminum and copper smelting.
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In February 1979, Palestine Liberation Organization chairman Yassir Arafat, arch-foe of the Israeli rulers, was welcomed to Tehran by the Iranian revolutionaries as the first foreign "head of state" to visit them. The historical irony was manifest: Arafat was treated as a hero in the same land that had supplied much of Israel's oil; the country where Israelis had participated in training the SAVAK, the Shah's secret police; and where both Israeli and Iranian pilots had trained on U.S.-supplied Phantom F-4 fighter-bombers. Arafat announced that the Ayatollah Khomeini has assured him that Iran's revolution would be incomplete until the Palestinians won theirs. Within weeks, the PLO had installed a mission in the former Israeli embassy in Tehran, as well as in Ahwaz and Khorramshahr, in the heart of the Iranian oil province, selecting as its Tehran representative Hani al-Hassan, of al-Fatah's conservative "Muslim" wing, in a move obviously designed to appeal to the Ayatollah.
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