The Fragile Foundations of East-West Trade
If wishing can make it so, the trade between the advanced industrialized countries of the West and the command economies of the East will be growing rapidly in the years ahead. The Soviet Union has made no bones about its strong desire to expand the scope of East-West trade. Businessmen, bureaucrats and politicians in the Western countries have been only a little more equivocal. Some countries have made an occasional effort to screen out technologies with important military application, while the United States has also sought to break down Soviet restrictions on the emigration of Russian Jews. But the West, too, has been on the side of expanded trade.
Raymond Vernon is Clarence Dillon Professor of International Affairs at the Harvard Center for International Affairs and Herbert F. Johnson Professor of International Business Management at the Harvard Graduate School of Business Administration. He is the author of Storm Over the Multinationals and editor of The Oil Crisis, among other works.
If wishing can make it so, the trade between the advanced industrialized countries of the West and the command economies of the East will be growing rapidly in the years ahead. The Soviet Union has made no bones about its strong desire to expand the scope of East-West trade. Businessmen, bureaucrats and politicians in the Western countries have been only a little more equivocal. Some countries have made an occasional effort to screen out technologies with important military application, while the United States has also sought to break down Soviet restrictions on the emigration of Russian Jews. But the West, too, has been on the side of expanded trade.
All told, the drive on both sides for more East-West trade has had its effect. Over the past 15 years, the annual trade of the U.S.S.R. and its COMECON partners with the advanced industrialized countries has managed to grow tenfold from about $3.5 billion to over $35 billion. What I suggest is that if such trade continues to grow at a rapid pace, frictions and obstructions will appear with increasing frequency. Under the existing institutions and rules of the game, increased East-West trade will strain the trading relations among the Western states, and will distribute the economic benefits of trade disproportionately to the East. As these effects become apparent, they will raise serious questions about the value of such trade for the West.
Yet it makes very little sense for the United States or any other country to attempt to suppress the growth of East-West trade. If appropriate rules of the game can be devised and adopted, such trade can bring economic benefits to both sides. Besides, if the United States were to attempt a policy of suppression, the effort would almost surely fail. But before it failed, it would generate major political costs both within the Western community and in relations with the East.
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With great fanfare, representatives of the United States and the Soviet Union signed a trade agreement in Moscow in October 1972. By this point, trade between the two countries, starting from a very low level ("trivial," Aleksei Kosygin called it in 1971), was already beginning a rapid rise. It continued to grow over the next few years. The total trade turnover between the two countries was almost four times greater in 1972-74 than in 1969-71. Much higher levels yet and still more intense cooperation seemed shortly in store. Then, in January 1975, the Soviet Union announced that it would not agree to put the trade agreement into formal effect. It said that the conditions attached by the U. S. Congress to the development of trade - specifically, the Jackson-Vanik Amendment on emigration and the Stevenson Amendment on export credits - violated the terms of the 1972 agreement, and so effectively voided it.
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Gorbachev's political liberalization has not produced economic revitalization, but rather economic crisis which threatens his political survival.
