Japan, China and the United States: Economic Relations and Prospects
Interest in the future of the Pacific region has been increased in the past year by dramatic events, notably the conclusion of a peace treaty between China and Japan and the normalization of relations between the United States and China. And, over a longer period, the realization has grown that the Western Pacific region-which includes Japan, Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong, the ASEAN countries (the Philippines, Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore, and Indonesia) and China-is one of the most dynamic areas in the world in terms of economic growth and development.
Dr. Saburo Okita is Chairman of the Japan Economic Research Center (JERC) and Special Adviser to the International Development Center of Japan (IDCJ). Prior to joining JERC in 1964, Dr. Okita had been for seven years the Director General of the Planning Bureau of Japan's Economic Planning Agency, and was in charge of the preparation of the "Doubling of National Income Plan" of 1960. Since 1965, he has been a member of the U.N. Committee for Development Planning, and in 1968-69 was a member of the World Bank's Pearson Commission relating to international development. From 1973 to 1977 he was the President of the Overseas Economic Cooperation Fund-a Japanese government aid financing agency. He is the author of a number of works in Japanese, and of many articles and book contributions in English.
Interest in the future of the Pacific region has been increased in the past year by dramatic events, notably the conclusion of a peace treaty between China and Japan and the normalization of relations between the United States and China. And, over a longer period, the realization has grown that the Western Pacific region-which includes Japan, Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong, the ASEAN countries (the Philippines, Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore, and Indonesia) and China-is one of the most dynamic areas in the world in terms of economic growth and development.
Although Japan's rate of economic growth since the 1973-74 oil crisis has been reduced from around ten percent to about five to six percent, the country still maintains a higher growth rate than any of the other industrial nations. South Korea, Taiwan and Hong Kong have been growing at about ten percent per annum, even since the oil crisis, and their trade volumes are expanding rapidly. The ASEAN countries are also performing well, growing at a rate of six to seven percent a year, which is higher than the rest of the world's developing countries. China's annual rate of economic growth has been estimated at 5.3 percent for the 1970-75 period, and China's new ten-year economic development plan which was announced in February 1978 (covering the period 1976-85) projects a growth rate of about eight percent a year (although, as we shall see, this figure may be reduced somewhat in subsequent reexaminations of the plan).
In contrast to the performance of these Western Pacific countries, economic growth in other parts of the world, with the exception of Latin America, has been much lower. With the cumulative effect of these different rates of growth, the Western Pacific will have a much larger share of the world economy by the end of this century. Already in 1977 American trade with Pacific countries exceeded that with Europe for the first time in her history.
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The Clinton administration inherits strained bilateral relations with the leading powers of Asia and no coherent policy for the Asia / Pacific region as a whole. Trade, security and diplomatic style are the overarching challenges and on all three counts prominent Asians are worried. They fear a president bent on building trade walls, bringing home American troops and lecturing on human rights. Yet respect for the United States remains instinctive throughout the region, particularly given convincing progress in rejuvenating the American economy. Asia's quest for economic growth and more democratic government awaits leadership from Washington.
Washington need not worry about China's economic boom, much less respond with protectionism. Although China controls more of the world's exports than ever before, its high-return high-tech industries are dominated by foreign companies. And Chinese firms will not displace them any time soon: Beijing's one-party politics have bred a timid business culture that prevents domestic firms from developing key technologies and keeps them dependent on the West.
Future historians may well mark the mid-1980s as the time when Japan surpassed the United States to become the world's dominant economic power. Japan achieved superior industrial competitiveness several years earlier, but by the mid-1980s its high-technology exports to the United States far exceeded imports, and annual trade surpluses approached $50 billion a year. Meanwhile, America's trade deficits mushroomed to $150 billion a year. By late 1985, Japan's international lending already exceeded $640 billion, about ten percent more than America's, and it is growing rapidly. By 1986 the United States became the world's largest debtor nation and Japan surpassed the United States and Saudi Arabia to become the world's largest creditor.

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