The troubles of the dollar, intermittently rising close to the crisis point during the year, once again dominated the international economic system. It became evident by the summer that the November 1978 measures of massive international support for the dollar had not worked as planned. Part of the trouble was that the post-1975 U.S. economic expansion proved to be more robust than had been supposed; moreover, the Federal Reserve's deflationary stance seemed to the rest of the world unconvincing. So in the end the American boom had to be publicly and unmistakably decapitated. This was done on October 6, with all the appropriate gestures, by Mr. Paul Volcker, who had taken over the chairmanship of the Federal Reserve System a few weeks earlier.
Sir Andrew Shonfield is Professor of Economics at the European University Institute, Florence. He was Director of the Royal Institute of International Affairs, London, from 1972 to 1977, and before that Chairman of the British Social Science Council. He is the author of The Attack on World Poverty (1960); Modern Capitalism (1965); Europe: Journey to an Unknown Destination (1974); and editor of the RIIA survey International Economic Relations in the Western World (1975).
The troubles of the dollar, intermittently rising close to the crisis point during the year, once again dominated the international economic system. It became evident by the summer that the November 1978 measures of massive international support for the dollar had not worked as planned. Part of the trouble was that the post-1975 U.S. economic expansion proved to be more robust than had been supposed; moreover, the Federal Reserve's deflationary stance seemed to the rest of the world unconvincing. So in the end the American boom had to be publicly and unmistakably decapitated. This was done on October 6, with all the appropriate gestures, by Mr. Paul Volcker, who had taken over the chairmanship of the Federal Reserve System a few weeks earlier.
By then, the rate of increase of U.S. consumer prices had risen to double figures and the only way to convince the international community that the United States was this time in deadly earnest about reestablishing the capacity of its currency to act as a reliable store of real value was to provide demonstrable evidence that the U.S. economy's apparently irresistible propensity to grow had not only been stopped but had been effectively reversed. The dollar's recovery in foreign exchange markets thus became dependent on the belief that the series of measures taken by the U.S. authorities, culminating in the Volcker package, could be relied upon to push the United States into a recession. To this extent, whatever good domestic economic reasons there may have been for curbing the pace of an already flagging economy-and for doing so in a way which decisively lowered the inflationary expectations of native Americans-the form of the final deflationary squeeze and the degree of its severity were imposed by external forces.
It is true that American self-suspicion not only reflected but also reinforced the international pressures. There was probably enough of this suspicion to counter the possibility of a hostile popular reaction that here was a healthy home-grown piece of American prosperity killed off by foreigners. It was visibly not healthy-though that may still not in the end save the foreigners from being blamed for their part in the 1979-80 economic reversal, once the full consequences in terms of unemployment and business bankruptcies become apparent later on.
This is a premium article
You must be a logged in Foreign Affairs subscriber to continue reading. If you wish to continue reading this article please subscribe , or activate your online account to get full online access.
Log In
Related
Advocates of "Europe" -- a united, federal European state -- tout their project as at once a noble political ideal and a pragmatic economic strategy. Both arguments are wrong. The European Union's bureaucrats will stifle the continent's economy, and its politicos will breed corruption and nationalist resentment. Letting the EU handle security matters would be equally disastrous, as the fiasco in Bosnia demonstrates. Despite all this, the partisans of "Europe" warn the skeptical that the train is pulling out of the station. Those who care about Europe will let it go.
The world economy is currently in a state of disequilibrium of a magnitude not seen since the aftermath of World War II. The symptoms of underlying stress have been manifested over the past two years in the form of raw-material shortages, a food and fertilizer crisis, a dramatic rise in petroleum prices, and finally, worldwide inflation and threats of impending financial disaster.
Does the current financial crisis resemble Japan's "lost decade" of the 1990s? It may be even worse, argues Robert Madsen. Not so, replies Richard Katz.

Sign-up for free weekly updates from ForeignAffairs.com.