Ceasefire Between the Branches: A Compact in Foreign Affairs
Those who serve in government, especially when under attack, are likely to be conscious--somewhat defensively perhaps--of the spirit of the old Spanish proverb: "It is not the same to talk of bulls, as to be in the bullring." The memory of that sentiment has had some bearing on my observations from the safe distance of private life. It has commended a focus on institutional problems--those that transcend partisanship.
Warren Christopher, currently a partner in the law firm of O'Melveny & Myers, was Deputy Secretary of State from 1977 to 1981. He was Deputy Attorney General of the United States from 1967 to 1969 and has held a number of other senior and consulting positions in the U.S. government. This article is an elaboration of remarks delivered at the John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard.
Those who serve in government, especially when under attack, are likely to be conscious-somewhat defensively perhaps-of the spirit of the old Spanish proverb: "It is not the same to talk of bulls, as to be in the bullring." The memory of that sentiment has had some bearing on my observations from the safe distance of private life. It has commended a focus on institutional problems-those that transcend partisanship.
One such issue deserves special, constant attention. It is the distribution within our government of authority for foreign affairs.
The country has already struggled at length with this issue. The ordeals of Vietnam and Watergate exposed grave perils to our constitutional structure-an accumulation of vast power in the President's hands, and room for enormous abuse. Congress responded by passing a great deal of legislation, and some might think the issue settled.
I think otherwise. On the basis of four years in the Department of State, I believe the methods of operation now in place leave us poorly equipped to conduct the kind of foreign policy our country requires in a complex, turbulent, dangerous world. We have not yet resolved the dilemma posed by our need to reconcile the imperative of democracy at home with the demands of leadership in the world.
So it is encouraging that the issue is being reopened. Specifically, two leaders in the Congress, the Chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee, Senator John Tower, and the Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Senator Charles Percy-writing respectively in Foreign Affairs and Foreign Policy-have raised questions about the existing equation.1
As it happens, both Senator Percy and Senator Tower belong to the same party as the President. While they achieved a significant degree of impartiality, the truth is that we have not yet been able to exclude political considerations from these discussions. As a wise man once said, "Where you stand often depends on where you sit."
Thus, it would be quite ordinary for a Democrat to have advocated a stronger presidency for Mr. Carter, while now endorsing greater restraints upon President Reagan. After all, President Carter needed enough power to do what was "right"; President Reagan, on the other hand, needs to be kept from "mistakes."
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Assesses the tensions between the executive and the legislature in the making of US foreign policy.
Reviews the relationship between these US offices, with particular reference to Reagan's presidency, and the vicissitudes of his secretaries. Calls for the restoration of mutual respect between the White House and the State Department, and puts forward some principles and practices on which this could be based. Concludes that "what matters is whose advice, written or unwritten, the president ultimately values the most on any given issue".
Our society was one of the first to write a Constitution. This reflected the confident conviction of the Enlightenment that explicit written arrangements could be devised to structure a government that would be neither tyrannical nor impotent in its time, and to allow for future amendment as experience and change might require.
