The Law of the Sea: A Crossroads for American Foreign Policy
On April 30, the United States was the only Western industrialized country to vote against the final treaty adopted in New York by the Third United Nations Law of the Sea Conference. Venezuela, Turkey and Israel also voted no. The U.S.S.R. and most Soviet bloc countries abstained, as did a few highly industrialized Western nations. Most of the West, including France and Japan, joined the Third World and voted yes. Altogether, 130 nations voted to adopt the treaty and open it for signature.
Leigh S. Ratiner was Deputy Chairman of the U.S. Delegation to the final negotiating session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, while on leave of absence from the Washington law firm of Dickstein, Shapiro & Morin in which he is a partner. He had served at the Law of the Sea Conference prior to 1977 in three previous Administrations, as a senior advisor and negotiator on seabed mining, energy and national security issues.
On April 30, the United States was the only Western industrialized country to vote against the final treaty adopted in New York by the Third United Nations Law of the Sea Conference. Venezuela, Turkey and Israel also voted no. The U.S.S.R. and most Soviet bloc countries abstained, as did a few highly industrialized Western nations. Most of the West, including France and Japan, joined the Third World and voted yes. Altogether, 130 nations voted to adopt the treaty and open it for signature.
The final treaty falls short of the goals sought by the Reagan Administration. It establishes a mixed economic system for the regulation and production of deep seabed minerals and, as a matter of principle, the Reagan Administration could not, consistent with its free enterprise philosophy, have done otherwise when the time came to vote.
Unfortunately, our strong and uncompromising defense of principle may have cost us a golden opportunity to convert the treaty into a better vehicle for commercial operators.
But that loss could be minor when compared with the prospect that the United States might now decide to exclude itself from a new global regulatory organization which may-sooner rather than later-count among its members all of our allies, the Third World and the socialist bloc. This new institution will safeguard the mining claims of our industrial competitors and reject rights claimed by American flag companies.
Moreover, if the United States stays out of the sea law treaty, and most major nations join it, we risk conflict over American assertions that we are entitled, without participating in the treaty, to rights embodied in the treaty related to navigational freedoms, exclusive economic zones, jurisdiction over our continental shelf, fisheries, pollution control and the conduct of marine scientific research.
Should all this come to pass-and it seems likely it will-we will suffer a significant, long-term foreign policy setback with grave implications for U.S. influence in global economic and political affairs.
II
This is a premium article
You must be a Foreign Affairs subscriber to continue reading. If you are already a print subscriber, click here to activate your online access.
Log In
Buy PDF
Buy a premium PDF reprint of this article.Related
Thanks to global warming, the Arctic icecap is rapidly melting, opening up access to massive natural resources and creating shipping shortcuts that could save billions of dollars a year. But there are currently no clear rules governing this economically and strategically vital region. Unless Washington leads the way toward a multilateral diplomatic solution, the Arctic could descend into armed conflict.
The negotiations at the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, aimed at concluding a comprehensive and universally acceptable Convention on the Law of the Sea, are deadlocked over three critical issues: the legal status of the agreed 200-mile economic zone, a regime for exploiting the resources of the deep seabed, and the rights of landlocked and geographically disadvantaged states. Five arduous sessions of the Conference have produced a negotiating text that promises agreement on other issues of considerable importance to the United States as well as to other nations. However, the achievement of a convention consolidating these gains turns upon the resolution of the deadlocking issues.
The expansion of the Proliferation Security Initiative to South Korea is a welcome development. The PSI is not only a promising model for combating nuclear proliferation, but also offers a blueprint for future international cooperation.

Sign-up for free weekly updates from ForeignAffairs.com.