Major Power Relations in Northeast Asia
This monograph is an excellent analysis of the bilateral relations among the principal powers in Northeast Asia-the United States, Japan, the Soviet Union and China. There is a well-balanced discussion of U.S.-Japanese trade frictions. On Sino-Soviet relations, the author maintains that even if the Soviets make some tactical military withdrawals on the Chinese border, an ineradicable suspicion of long-term Chinese intentions will remain. Soviet leaders are convinced that once the P.R.C. possesses sufficient military power to sustain bold foreign policies, China will want to be recognized as the preeminent nation of Asia and will seek to redress old grievances-by force, if necessary. The Soviets hope that a coalition of Asian countries-they have spoken hopefully of an alignment composed of India, Indonesia and Vietnam-will help counter the Chinese threat, but this alignment seems remote now. The conclusion is that Moscow will not significantly reduce its large forces along the Chinese border as long as it retains the vision of a resurgent China in the next century.
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Since the end of World War II, there have been three watersheds in Sino-Soviet relations. In February 1950, the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China formed an alliance against the West. In the late 1950s, there was the beginning of the historic split between them that transformed international politics. Then, in the early 1970s, there began the Sino-American rapprochement that, by the end of the decade, completely altered the strategic landscape and led to an incipient Chinese-American alliance against the Soviet Union.
As a European, and particularly as a Briton, I had the unusual good fortune to come first to Asia by way of America. The African and Indian friendships formed during college days at Oxford whetted my appetite for an understanding of the non-white world, but only when I arrived at Berkeley for a postgraduate year did I enter the life of the Chinese, the Japanese, the Filipinos, the Indonesians-who were there by the score, sharing with me the experience of being a foreign student in the United States.
American optimism about East Asia, in precious short supply only a few years earlier, was abundantly available in 1980. "The arc from Korea through Taiwan and the Philippines, at the very center of great power rivalry for much of this century, is less subject to these strains today than at any time in well over forty years," Assistant Secretary of State Richard Holbrooke declared in June. Such pronouncements by U.S. policymakers were understandable: East Asia offered far more possibilities--for diplomatic overtures, for expanding trade--than anyone dared predict during the Vietnam era. But in 1980 enough warning signals were flashing throughout the region to suggest the need for a more balanced--and less buoyant--assessment.

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