Waltzing with a Dictator: The Marcoses and the Making of American Policy; Rebuilding a Nation: Philippine Challenges and American Policy
At the descriptive level, Bonner's book is a richly detailed account of U.S. policy toward the Philippines after Marcos declared martial law in 1972. (The author bases his account on more than 3,200 previously classified documents and interviews with some 70 U.S. officials.) At an analytical level, however, the book is disappointing. There is no serious discussion of U.S. strategic interest in the Philippine bases in the light of Soviet-American rivalry in the Pacific, the Vietnamese invasion of Kampuchea or the Soviet presence in Cam Ranh Bay. Bonner neglects the fact that in the early years of martial law Marcos had a genuinely reformist appeal. Finally, there is little recognition of the dilemmas faced by policy-makers in dealing with friendly autocrats in countries where the U.S. has substantial security interests. Landé's volume is a collection of essays by former government officials and academics, and it ranges much more broadly over the issues. By far the most penetrating analysis is William Overholt's essay on the decline of Marcos and the problems facing President Aquino. Overholt concludes that Aquino has a window of opportunity to organize a civilian political base and adopt the needed economic reforms, but he cautions that the window is small and that she has not yet moved decisively toward it.
Related
The Federation of Malaysia is scheduled to come into existence on August 31 of this year by the merger of the existing Federation of Malaya with Singapore, the British colonies of Sarawak and North Borneo and the British- protected Sultanate of Brunei, thus forming a crescent well over a thousand miles long from the borders of Thailand almost to within eyesight of the southernmost Philippine islands. Although many difficulties stand in the way, the British and Malayan Governments say categorically that they will not be deterred from pushing the plan through. Some of the difficulties are historical and local, for the new Federation will be a rather arbitrary assemblage of widely separated territories with mixed populations at different stages of development. More important are the objections raised by Indonesia and the Philippines.
American optimism about East Asia, in precious short supply only a few years earlier, was abundantly available in 1980. "The arc from Korea through Taiwan and the Philippines, at the very center of great power rivalry for much of this century, is less subject to these strains today than at any time in well over forty years," Assistant Secretary of State Richard Holbrooke declared in June. Such pronouncements by U.S. policymakers were understandable: East Asia offered far more possibilities--for diplomatic overtures, for expanding trade--than anyone dared predict during the Vietnam era. But in 1980 enough warning signals were flashing throughout the region to suggest the need for a more balanced--and less buoyant--assessment.
The Philippine Republic started the new year, its twentieth as a sovereign nation, with a new President, a partly new and re-shuffled legislature, and something of an innovation in presidential inaugural addresses. "The Filipino," declared President Ferdinand Marcos to his startled listeners, including foreign dignitaries attending the inaugural, "has lost his soul and his courage. . . . We have ceased to value order. Justice and security are as myths. Our government is gripped in the iron hand of venality, its treasury is barren, its resources are wasted, its civil service is slothful and indifferent, its armed forces demoralized, and its councils sterile."

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