The debt containment policy conceived in 1982, under which repayments were financed by the creation of trade surpluses, has run its course. The question now is not only whether the big debtors will pay, but where the money will come from. There is an urgent need for innovative financial mechanisms. The new strategy should include economic reform in debtor countries, new capital in-flows and, if necessary, workable formulae for interest deferral.
Pedro-Pablo Kuczynski is Co-Chairman of First Boston International and former Minister of Energy and Mines in Peru. His opinions in this article are personal. He is co-author of the recent book Toward Renewed Economic Growth in Latin America with Bela Balassa, Gerardo Bueno and Mario Henrique Simonsen. This article is based on research sponsored by The Twentieth Century Fund.
The debt containment strategy designed in 1982 has run its course. In May Citicorp, the largest international bank lender both worldwide and in Latin America, announced the creation of an additional reserve of $3 billion—equivalent to almost one quarter of its loans to troubled developing country debtors, the bulk of them in Latin America. Other major banks promptly followed its example. These actions confirmed the end of the containment strategy, or at least its first stage. Thus far, no new scheme has taken its place. The question now is not only whether the big debtors in Latin America will pay, but also where the money will come from.
No long-term solution to the debt question is possible without a mixture of economic reform in the debtor countries and additional fresh capital, both of which are needed to revive economic growth. Both were important in the original debt strategy, but neither was forthcoming in sufficient amounts, despite considerable differences among debtor countries.
The coming year is likely to be one of major decisions as several debtor countries face fundamental choices. Brazil, which suspended interest payments on the bulk of its external debt in February, has to decide how to resume service. Mexico has to decide on the shape of basic national policies once a successor to President Miguel de la Madrid is announced in the fall of 1987. Argentina has to decide whether it should further intensify its effort at economic reform after two years of slow economic growth associated with the struggle against inflation and a growing budget deficit.
A scenario of a gradual economic "Albanianization" or autarky is conceivable if more highly indebted countries pursue unilateral defaults as have a few of the smaller debtors in Latin America and elsewhere. Following this path means that their economies would gradually become disconnected from the international financial system; credit would be difficult if not impossible to obtain, and foreign trade would be reduced to bare essentials. While the largest debtors—including Brazil, Mexico, Argentina, Venezuela and the Philippines—are quite unlikely to take this step, the creditors’ financial systems are put under increasing strain with each default, manageable perhaps, but very costly in terms of eventual write-offs of loans and ensuing higher domestic credit costs.
This is a premium article
You must be a Foreign Affairs subscriber to continue reading. If you are already a print subscriber, click here to activate your online access.
Log In
Buy PDF
Buy a premium PDF reprint of this article.Related
There is a distinct rumble. Is it the noise of an impending second crisis of Latin American and other developing country debtors, or is it the start-up of world economic recovery, which will gradually pull lenders and borrowers alike away from the edge of a financial abyss?
Recent and forthcoming elections in key Latin American countries come at a time when US relations with many states in the region are particularly uncertain. Discusses six areas which should be addressed by policy-makers (1) the debt crisis (2) the need for co-operation between the USA, Europe, Canada and Latin American countries in ending Central America's wars (3) support of democratic institutions (4) the drug problem (5) the need to rebuild inter-American institutions (6) relations with Mexico and Panama. Concludes that too much attention has been devoted to Nicaragua at the expense of greater concerns, although straightforward solutions are unlikely. Former US ambassador to the Organization of American States, and co-negotiator of the Panama Canal treaties. A substantial criticism of Reagan's policy in Central and South America, and interesting for its view of both regions as one.
Covers US foreign policy in Latin America during 1988, discussing (1) Nicaragua (2) Panama and the Noriega problem (3) drug trafficking (4) the progress towards democracy (5) the debt crisis. Concludes that future US policy will have to centre around Mexico and the Caribbean basin, but that this should not obscure America's long-term interest in a steadily-improving economic situation throughout Latin America.
