U.S. Foreign Policy and European Security; New Conventional Weapons and Western Defence
The columnist Meg Greenfield wrote in 1980: "I have been trying to think of a time when the Alliance was in array." That theme-the durability of NATO through disruption and differing interests-is the center of Cyr's brief historical essay. His material is not new, but his summary is readable and his reminder apt. The Bellany-Huxley volume, the result of a project at Lancaster University's Centre for the Study of Arms Control and International Security, addresses a recent "disruption"-the development of new conventional technology. Many of the chapters are specifically British in perspective, but several raise issues for the alliance as a whole. For instance, Phil Williams argues that some new technologies-conventionally armed cruise and ballistic missiles in particular-might enhance deterrence but could also make escalation more rapid if war occurred. Thus, they would not raise the nuclear threshold in Europe; they might lower it.
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US public expectations of a 'peace dividend' from the collapse of the socialist bloc are unrealistic. Structural properties of US defence policy-making, and the non-existence of any strategic vision not predicated on the monolithic Soviet threat, mean that "for the next several years the 'peace dividend' will be much smaller than enthusiasts hope, and earning it will require departures from customary congressional habits". Offers advice on a strategy for reducing US defence expenditure (1) avoid a return to the 'hollow army' by shifting towards reserve or 'round-out' units (2) cut US forces in Europe in the light of CFE results, not in advance of them (3) defer various high-price equipment programmes, while preserving R&D budgets (4) using arms control to cut what the USA "can safely do without".
Noel Malcolm's history of Serbia's flashpoint province is marred by his sympathies for its ethnic Albanian separatists, anti-Serbian bias, and illusions about the Balkans.
The two world wars are the mountain ranges that dominate the historical landscape of the twentieth century. We still live in their shadows, in America as well as in Europe. Only with these wars did European and American history begin to coincide. The revolutions of 1820, 1830, 1848 and the wars leading to the unification of Italy and Germany marked the nineteenth century in European history, while the major events in American history were the westward movement, the Civil War and mass immigration. These events had certain transatlantic connections, yet not decisive ones. But in the twentieth century the two world wars have been the main events in the history of Europe and America as well.

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