Arms Control in Asia
This is a pioneering study of a neglected topic. Some of the authors contend that Asian governments have come to recognize the role of arms control in limiting the region's conflicts; others are skeptical. Gower Rizvi, in analyzing the India-Pakistan rivalry, observes that although the arms buildup on both sides has contributed to increasing tensions, negotiating an arms control agreement in the absence of a meaningful resolution of the political problems would be an exercise in futility. The same point might be made about the other regional rivalries discussed in the book. The essays are all of high quality, but there is an exceptionally perceptive and informative chapter by the editor, Gerald Segal, on Sino-Soviet military relations.
Related
Washington is leaving a crucial piece out of the nuclear puzzle. It will be China, not Russia or any rogue, whose nuclear policy will concern America most in the years ahead. The People's Republic has started to modernize its arsenal, and Western actions will help determine just what form China's force ultimately takes. Before rushing to deploy missile defenses, Washington should consider whether they would solve a problem or create one.
Since independence, India's nuclear policy has been to seek either global disarm ament or equal security for all. The old nonproliferation regime was discriminatory, ratifying the possession of nuclear weapons for the permanent five members of the U.N. Security Council while preaching to the nuclear have-nots about the virtues of disarmament. India was left sandwiched between two nuclear weapons powers, Pakistan and a rising China. The end of the Cold War has not ushered in an era where globalization and trade trump old-fashioned security woes. If nuclear deterrence works in the West, why won't it work in India?
Since Mao Zedong's death in 1976, and particularly since the rise of Deng Xiaoping in 1978, the post-Mao leaders of China have sought to develop a new strategy and new institutions for modernizing China. In the economy, they have sought a more decentralized, quasi-market socialist system better suited to Chinese conditions than the highly centralized, Soviet-type system they adopted in 1949. Perhaps the most significant step has been a de facto decollectivization of agriculture.

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