The Case for Practical Internationalism
Considers prospects for US multi-lateral diplomacy (i.e. attitude to the UN and its agencies) and recommends practical internationalism as a middle way between isolationism and utopianism, noting five challenges (nuclear, drugs, AIDS, environment, population). Makes suggestions for administrative reform at the UN, and considers its peacekeeping role and responsibilities for human rights. Considers that the Reagan doctrine is consistent with international law, and identifies internationalism with patriotism.
Richard N. Gardner holds the Henry L. Moses Chair of Law and International Organization at Columbia University. He served as Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for International Organization Affairs from 1961 to 1965 and as U.S. Ambassador to Italy from 1977 to 1981.
The next president will face unprecedented opportunities—but also unprecedented difficulties—in promoting the national interests of the United States through multilateral diplomacy and international organizations. How the new administration seizes the opportunities and copes with the difficulties will go far to determine whether we face a favorable or hostile world environment as we approach the 21st century.
The opportunities are there if we have the skill and imagination to seize them. Almost everywhere we find a strong objective case for promoting the national interests of the United States and the general welfare of nations through cooperative action in international agencies—from the resolution or containment of regional conflicts through U.N. peacemaking and peacekeeping, to the negotiation of more open markets and the management of financial imbalances through the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and the Bretton Woods organizations, to global action on nuclear safety, acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS), drug abuse, overpopulation, environmental destruction and under-development through the United Nations’ specialized agencies and special programs. The case for multilateralism will be particularly compelling as we face a new era in which our relative power has declined and we will need to share economic burdens and political responsibility, not just with Europe and Japan, but with emerging power centers in the developing world.
The "creeping moderation" that is now evident in many Third World countries is another reason for cautious optimism about prospects for constructive multilateral cooperation. In a growing number of developing countries, the crucible of hard experience has produced a new interest in free markets, human rights and respect for international obligations. Even in the U.N. General Assembly, after years of unreasoning attacks on the United States and Israel and pursuit of the chimera of a statist New International Economic Order, the tide is beginning to turn, as evidenced by the declining number of votes to deny Israel’s U.N. credentials, the growing support for U.S.-backed resolutions on Afghanistan and Cambodia and the moderation of the 1986 Assembly session on Africa.
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Despite the myriad setbacks of recent months, the U.S.-European alliance is not doomed. But repairing it will require a strategic overhaul no less bold than that which followed the end of the Cold War. The key to today's transatlantic divide is not power but purpose. To revive and revamp the alliance, therefore, the United States and the European Union must forge a new grand strategy capable of meeting the great challenges of the era: expanding the Euro-Atlantic community and stabilizing the greater Middle East.
Multilateralism is a means, not an end, and there is no more multilateral body than the UN. That may make it unwieldy at times, but the UN's inclusiveness is the key to the legitimacy only it can confer. The organization thus remains an essential force in international politics, and one the United States benefits from greatly.
If the USA is to sustain its role in the world, it needs a bipartisan foreign policy. "There is a strategic opportunity for a significant improvement in Soviet-American relations", while NATO needs redefinition as a guard against utopianism and in the light of economic integration in Europe. Also notes the US budget problem and relations with Japan and China. In the Middle East, supports guaranteed Israeli and Palestine states. Reviews pan-American issues. In general calls for "more selective and collaborative strategies based on new realities". Former US secretaries of state. The footnotes indicate the points on which the authors disagree, viz (1) the future of SDI (2) directions of arms control in the future (3) the value of an international conference on the Middle East.
