The Dragon And The Wild Goose: China And India
This is a very rich comparison of Indian and Chinese societies and cultures and the factors that have shaped their approaches to modernization. It also offers some acute observations on Chinese and Indian foreign policies and on the attitudes of Americans toward the two countries. It can, in short, be read on a variety of levels, and it is very well written. Taylor argues that China and India, who share the most densely populated corners of the world, will tend in the long run toward rivalry, and this will encourage each to seek security with a different superpower. India's policy of close association with the Soviet Union has contributed in some degree to China's link to the U.S.-a link that fosters pragmatic policies in Beijing, helps stabilize East Asia, and contributes to a world balance of forces unfavorable to Moscow. With regard to political development in the two countries, the author sheds light on how and why India gave birth to a remarkable democracy while China was undergoing the debacle of Maoism. The future danger to China is not another seizure of irrationality like the Cultural Revolution, but rather a backlash against the current liberalization and a return to a quasi-Stalinist regime. In India, the main threat to the political system is the explosive potential created by communal and regional disputes as well as tensions between haves and have-nots.
Related
The most urgent problems facing Rajiv Gandhi when he assumed office in Oct 1984 were the Punjab, Congress Party reform, the economy and relations with Pakistan and Sri Lanka. Halfway through his five-year term his record is mixed. He is not a politician by instinct, but he may yet develop political skill to enable him to lead India into the 21st century.
Indira Gandhi's assassination on October 31, 1984, marked the passing of the generation that brought India to independence. Mrs. Gandhi was nourished, almost from birth, on the Congress Party's struggle against the British, and was particularly influenced by her party's close links with British socialism in the 1930s. She was deeply suspicious of the business class, even though it supported her with millions of rupees. She was convinced that only if the nation's industry, agriculture and services were closely guided by the state would equity and justice be assured. Wary of "imperialist" pressures on India--political, educational and economic--she never relinquished her belief that "foreign hands" sought to undermine not only Indian stability and independence but her personal political power as well. Although the United States seemed most often to be the target of her concern, the Soviets, British, Chinese, French and most of her South Asian neighbors were also frequently suspect.
Just over 35 years ago, on August 15, 1947, India and Pakistan became independent states. What should have been a joyful occasion was marred by the ghastly slaughter of half a million people and the uprooting of about 15 million men, women and children. Only a few months before, few people had ever heard of the word "Pakistan," a concept invented by a few Muslim intellectuals in 1933 who claimed that there were two distinct nations in India; this idea was then adopted by the Muslim League at its historic meeting in Lahore in 1940 as implying an independent sovereign "homeland" for those Indian Muslims who would choose to opt out of a Hindu-dominated India. This concept, so reminiscent of the idea of a Jewish "homeland" in Palestine (Gunnar Myrdal called it a form of Muslim Zionism), resulted from the primacy of the twentieth century's dominant political "form"--the nation-state within definite geographical boundaries--into whose Procrustean bed the world's diverse populations had to be fitted willy-nilly.

Sign-up for free weekly updates from ForeignAffairs.com.