Europeans were troubled by the setbacks of four successive presidents from Johnson to Carter, and thus Reagan's election was greeted with a sense of relief. Europeans were, furthermore, impressed by Reagan's ideas and his revitalizing of the US economy. One wonders how, in as august a journal as Foreign Affairs, political posturing manages to pass itself off as analysis. To discuss 'European attitudes' as if they were somehow homogeneous, even within a narrow band of national political elites, is hardly convincing. Moreover, some of the generalizations about Reagan's 'popularity' in Europe are not merely not supported by evidence, but also seem plainly unsupportable; it would be at least as plausible to suggest that the Reagan Doctrine, as well as the President's personal style, fragmented European attitudes to US foreign policy.
Paul Johnson is a historian and journalist. He is the author of many books, including Modern Times: The World from the Twenties to the Eighties, and Intellectuals, to be published in March 1989.
The 1980s have been a good decade for the West. For the United States and for Europe alike they have been years of growing prosperity, reassurance and stability. The 1960s were a decade of illusion and baseless fantasies of utopia; the 1970s were a decade of disillusion, shattered hopes and rising fears. The 1980s have been a decade of realism, in which the affairs of the world, and of the West in particular, have been placed on a firmer, more concrete foundation.
These years have been marked, above all, by a return of confidence in the disciplines and rewards of the market system and a corresponding collapse of faith in collectivist solutions and the capacity of command economies to deliver. Capitalism seems to have recovered its entrepreneurial vigor. Marxist socialism appears to be dying, except perhaps in that home of lost causes, the university campus.
In all these developments Ronald Reagan has played a significant role: sometimes mostly as a symbol or figurehead, sometimes as active agent. It is impossible to imagine the 1980s without him. Future historians may call it the Thatcher Decade; they may even be tempted to call it the Gorbachev Decade. But it is far more likely, in my view, that they will settle for the Reagan Years. For it is the genial character of this unusual man, reflecting his attractive blend of naivety and wisdom, which has given an unmistakable coloring to a decade in which the peoples of the West felt better off and more secure.
This is more than a subjective impression; it is based on solid reasons. We have learned one lesson in the last half-century: the well-being of the world depends, above all, on the sensible pursuit of common aims by the United States and the free European peoples. That the Japanese are rapidly transforming this relationship into a triangular one goes without saying. But the U.S.-European axis remains the fulcrum of stability, and the Europeans know it: it is the one fixed point in their geopolitics. For this reason they are remarkably dependent on the workings of the American system, and the character of the man it places in the White House.
II
This is a premium article
You must be a Foreign Affairs subscriber to continue reading. If you are already a print subscriber, click here to activate your online access.
Log In
Related
Relations between Greece and the United States are strained. From the anti-American rhetoric of Prime Minister Andreas Papandreou and his Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK), and after a series of irritating incidents, tensions have developed that pose troublesome questions about the course of Greek policy and Greek relations with the West.
Nineteen eighty-four has been a quiet year in U.S.-West European relations--a year during which these Western countries had the luxury of organizing a large number of conferences for intellectuals and public figures to ask themselves whether George Orwell's bleak warnings had actually been prophetic (if they had been, these colloquia could not have been held) and whether Soviet reality resembled Orwell's vision of totalitarianism. What actually happened in the relations among these nations was less interesting than what did not happen.
Not for the first time, agricultural trade has become a live and contentious issue in Atlantic relations. Questions of access and protection have been subjects of constant concern to American farmers and traders since the establishment of Europe's Common Agricultural Policy 25 years ago. Now, though, under the pressures of surplus stocks of grain and falling farm incomes, there is a new area of contention--competitive subsidies designed to win or ensure shares in an erratic world market. Months of negotiation have failed to resolve the issue and neither the European Community nor the United States has shown any sign of being ready to sacrifice what both define as legitimate economic interests.
