Weltmacht Wider Willen: Die Aussenpolitik Der Bundesrepublik Deutschland
A comprehensive if conventional survey of the foreign policy of the German Federal Republic from utter powerlessness at the birth of the provisional state to a position of world power attained without being wished for. The book, by an experienced scholar and based entirely on secondary sources, concentrates on the role of the chancellors, somewhat neglecting other influences. Rightly impressed by the triumphs of Western integration and pacification, by the "miracle" of Germany's regained strength, Hacke discusses all the major issues, including of course the question of Germany's division (which is deemed "unnatural" but essential to the stability of postwar Europe). He is distressed by the decline in U.S. leadership and fearful that in West Germany the qualities of leadership that have prevailed so far will become rarer. Adenauer is the giant, his successors are judged favorably, with a slight tilt toward CDU-FDP leadership, and with the implicit warning that the miracle is over.
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The Afghanistan crisis has dramatized and intensified antecedent changes and strains in the Western alliance. There was unanimous, if separate, condemnation of Soviet aggression, but there were also divergent, and often acrimoniously divergent, assessments of the causes of aggression and the nature of the challenge. The difficulties of orchestrating a common response or of at least preventing a discordant one suggest a new balance of forces within the alliance and a set of divergent interests.
Daniel Goldhagen's book on the Holocaust--condemning the German "eliminationist" mindset toward Jews--has become an international bestseller and a datum in German-American relations. Pity, because it is a simplistic, monocausal, and unhistorical explanation of one of the most complex horrors in history. For Goldhagen, as for the Nazis, Hitler is Germany.
German history teaches that malice and simplicity have their appeal, that force impresses, and that nothing in the public realm is inevitable. It also proves that democratic reconstruction is possible, even on initially uncongenial ground.

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