Restive Partners: Washington and Bonn Diverge; Helmut Schmidt und Amerika: Eine schwierige Partnerschaft
Smyser, one of the wisest German hands in the foreign service when it still had such, wrote before the dramatic events of last autumn, but his focus on the possibility of real change in German-American relations is still apt. His overview essay poses the dilemma Germans now confront: "They have not yet calculated how to conduct an opening to the East without losing their backing in the West." One of Smyser's themes-the instances of miscommunication when the interests of the two countries were not sharply opposed-is the subject of Barbara Heep's detailed account of Helmut Schmidt and three American administrations. Heep is one of America's best young students of Germany, and she thoughtfully assesses West Germany's influence on American security policy. The assessment poses the puzzle of why Schmidt's relations were so much better with conservative U.S. administrations than with the one, Jimmy Carter's, that an observer might have thought most congenial to his politics.
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The two world wars are the mountain ranges that dominate the historical landscape of the twentieth century. We still live in their shadows, in America as well as in Europe. Only with these wars did European and American history begin to coincide. The revolutions of 1820, 1830, 1848 and the wars leading to the unification of Italy and Germany marked the nineteenth century in European history, while the major events in American history were the westward movement, the Civil War and mass immigration. These events had certain transatlantic connections, yet not decisive ones. But in the twentieth century the two world wars have been the main events in the history of Europe and America as well.
The surface was all smiles and harmony. After years of transatlantic distress, the major nations of the democratic West assembled in May in the splendor of Colonial Williamsburg to manifest their unity and their confidence. There were two new faces among the seven heads of state and government, both symbols of a significant political change in their respective countries: West German Chancellor Helmut Kohl, who had replaced Helmut Schmidt in October 1982 and whose party, the Christian Democrats, had just been confirmed by a massive popular vote on March 6, and Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone, the leader of Japan's Liberal Democratic Party and government who, in striking contrast to his predecessors, articulated a newly confident, internationally minded Japan.
In a major address on July 4, 1962, the President called for a partnership between the United States and Europe. With the passage of the Trade Bill this "great design" seems to have come a step closer. To many, the Atlantic Community beckons as the great hope of the 1960s. The possibility of establishing a vital Atlantic system is indeed one of the great opportunities of our time. It may well be that to future historians it will appear the distinctive feature of our decade, far transcending in importance the crises which form the headlines of the day.

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