China's Crisis: Dilemmas Of Reform And Prospects For Democracy
This collection of essays, written by the author over the past 15 years, explores the roots of China's recent crisis and the prospects for establishing a genuinely democratic system. The author is cautiously optimistic. He foresees a weak post-Deng regime, seeking to democratize under the pressures of economic stagnation and popular dissatisfaction, and aided by a unified army to guarantee stability. The Chinese Communist Party, he says, will preside over this democratic transition, and a factionalized opposition will emerge from existing satellite parties. Finally, the tug-of-war between the central government and the provinces (some as big as European states) will continue, the center weakening as the provinces prosper. This is one plausible scenario for the future; pessimists could devise others.
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Since Mao Zedong's death in 1976, and particularly since the rise of Deng Xiaoping in 1978, the post-Mao leaders of China have sought to develop a new strategy and new institutions for modernizing China. In the economy, they have sought a more decentralized, quasi-market socialist system better suited to Chinese conditions than the highly centralized, Soviet-type system they adopted in 1949. Perhaps the most significant step has been a de facto decollectivization of agriculture.
Since the end of World War II, there have been three watersheds in Sino-Soviet relations. In February 1950, the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China formed an alliance against the West. In the late 1950s, there was the beginning of the historic split between them that transformed international politics. Then, in the early 1970s, there began the Sino-American rapprochement that, by the end of the decade, completely altered the strategic landscape and led to an incipient Chinese-American alliance against the Soviet Union.
Soviet options in East Asia are limited by the USSR's lack of economic influence, but Gorbachev's new flexible diplomacy has led to limited advances. Discusses current relations with China, Japan, and the two Koreas, noting that influence in the Pacific region's economy is likely to be marginal for the next few decades. Concludes that prospects are good for a reduction in tension in the region.

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