The central theme of US foreign policy in the post-Cold War era should be "the accommodation and protection of diversity within a framework of world order... it is not now the time for the United States to retreat from the world stage". This is an re-statement, expanded to article length, of the IHT op-ed piece in 1990:03978. The theme is revisited, one year on, in 1991:06626.
Paul H. Nitze is Diplomat in Residence at the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies at The Johns Hopkins University in Washington, D.C.
Each of us has experienced the phenomenal central European revolution of 1989, its preliminaries in Poland and its continuing aftermath, particularly in Germany and the Soviet Union. But each has done so from his or her own window on the world.
Having spent much of my life as a policy planner, I tend to focus on the future, on what lies ahead, on what is desirable and perhaps practical, and on what policies would most successfully help to bring about these aims. I also tend to translate this forward-looking perspective into American terms: What should we in this country view as our role in collaboration with others in moving the world toward this desired future?
In charting a road to the future, it is sometimes wise to look back on relevant turning points of the past. For over forty years the foreign and defense policies of the United States have been guided by a central theme, a well-defined basic policy objective. That goal, throughout the Cold War, was for the United States to take the lead in building an international world order based on liberal economic and political institutions, and to defend that world against communist attack.
The political-strategic situation is now changed. We are in an important period of transition. Our postwar policies appear to have achieved their principal objective, and a new conception of our foreign and defense policies is required as we face a future less dominated by an ideologically driven U.S.S.R. Before we can formulate a new strategy, however, it is first in order that we review our postwar policy of containment, its origins and rationale, and where and the degree to which it has succeeded.
II
In the summer and fall of 1943 fragments of discussion could be heard in Washington about U.S. postwar relations with the Soviet Union. Much of World War II remained to be fought, but for the first time Hitler's eventual defeat seemed probable. It was not too early to think about what kind of peace and relations among the leading powers we wished to see established in the postwar world.
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If the USA is to sustain its role in the world, it needs a bipartisan foreign policy. "There is a strategic opportunity for a significant improvement in Soviet-American relations", while NATO needs redefinition as a guard against utopianism and in the light of economic integration in Europe. Also notes the US budget problem and relations with Japan and China. In the Middle East, supports guaranteed Israeli and Palestine states. Reviews pan-American issues. In general calls for "more selective and collaborative strategies based on new realities". Former US secretaries of state. The footnotes indicate the points on which the authors disagree, viz (1) the future of SDI (2) directions of arms control in the future (3) the value of an international conference on the Middle East.
Instead of being a participant in the balance-of-power competition between nations, the USA must henceforward, in recognition of the post-cold War environment of 'pragmatic trans-nationalism', develop a foreign policy concept which involves a greater degree of co-operation with security partners.
Analysis of the USA's post-Cold War security interests, seeing a decline in military and ideological issues, and growth of interest in trade and economic policy, the environment, terrorism and drug trafficking. FA editor.
