Of Walls And Bridges: The United States And Eastern Europe
Kovrig has given us an outstanding study, both scholarly and readable, on American policy toward eastern Europe from World War II to the present, likely to be the standard work on the subject. Building on his earlier The Myth of Liberation, published in 1973, he carries on through the alternating periods of tension and détente in U.S.-Soviet relations and those of reaction, reform and crisis in the east European countries themselves. He devotes long, meaty chapters to those areas of policy-human rights, economic levers and the structure of security-by which the United States attempted to work toward its major political aim: the reduction and eventual elimination of Soviet and communist domination of eastern Europe. Despite the punctured illusions, the ineffectiveness of many policies and the limited American capabilities within the security sphere of the rival superpower, Kovrig recognizes the record as generally creditable. While the eventual liberation of the east European nations was primarily the result of their own actions and changes in the U.S.S.R., American steadfastness in maintaining its aim, and flexible practical policies in support of it, were not insignificant factors in the ultimate victory.
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Over the full range of contemporary foreign affairs, American policy toward Western Europe has been marked by durability and rare continuity. The change of neither Presidents, Secretaries of State nor political parties has altered the lines of basic policy. The Government marches with American public opinion, for that ubiquitous man in the street still feels deeply that Western Europe is vital to the United States.
In many areas, transatlantic cooperation is stronger than ever before. Yet the common perception is of an increasingly fraught relationship, as evidenced by the well-known disputes over beef, bananas, and burden sharing. Assumptions are diverging over security risks and cultural values. Each side criticizes the other's unwieldy policymaking process without admitting its own shortcomings, while leaders pander to domestic interests and prejudices without educating voters on international issues. Europe nonetheless remains indispensable to a multilateral U.S. foreign policy. The Bush administration must acknowledge the European Union as a true partner, in political and military matters as well as in economics. America cannot expect its allies to share the burdens of global leadership without allowing them their say in the issues at stake.
America now faces the prospect of economic conflicts with both Europe and East Asia. The United States and the European Union have already fired the first shots of retaliatory sanctions over their ever-growing trade disputes. On the other side of the world, meanwhile, Asian countries are creating a bloc of their own that could include preferential trade arrangements and an Asian Monetary Fund. These developments could produce a tripolar world and hamper global economic integration. To avert this outcome, the United States must quell its domestic backlash against globalization and reassert its economic leadership in the world. The new Bush administration should make multilateral trade liberalization a top priority -- or it will face unpleasant economic and political consequences as the U.S. and foreign economies slow.

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