The Likud Vision for Israel at Peace
Presents the Zionist case against an independent Palestinian state and argues, on historical and security grounds, for Israeli retention of control over the Golan Heights, the West Bank and Gaza.
Ze'ev B. Begin is a Likud member of the Israeli Knesset and chairman of its subcommittee on National Security Policy.
Those who call for a "new order" in the Middle East are very generous in their regard for our troubled region, as if we ever had an "old order." The grim truth of the matter is that the Middle East is characterized by numerous political volcanoes, distributed randomly in space, which erupt violently, randomly in time. This is a textbook definition of disorder. Whether in cellular biology, solid state physics, social structure or political systems, the transformation of disorder into order entails the investment of energy for the application of a set of rules.
We in Israel have our concept of the relevant rules that we believe is shared by the international community, and we are ready to spend all needed energy toward transforming our region from chaos to order. My stand and that of the Likud Party is a Zionist position. Others will have different positions, which they can certainly present with conviction. If, from our respective positions, we are all ready to direct our energies toward signing peace treaties, then it is worthwhile stating those positions without the "constructive ambiguities" of the past, which have turned out to be not so constructive after all. Given the situation after the Cold War, the Gulf War and the indication of changing attitudes among some of the Arab governments, there is danger that false expectations will lead to a repetition of past errors. This time, therefore, let us try some "constructive clarity."
II
Our Zionist stand is based on the Zionist goal: the creation of a safe haven for the Jewish nation in the Land of Israel. It rests on two pillars: the right of the Jewish nation to the Land of Israel; and the right of the Jewish state to national security, to allow its sons and daughters to live in freedom. Upon these pillars rests the three-pronged policy of the Israeli government: the prevention of foreign rule west of the Jordan River, an initiative to establish understanding and mutual respect between Israelis and their Arab neighbors, and efforts to reach peace treaties between Israel and the Arab countries.
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Given the summer's immersion in day-to-day death and destruction in Lebanon, we need to begin putting the Israeli-Palestinian War of 1982 in larger perspective. For better or worse, it will mark a turning point in the history of Israel, in the course of Arab-Israeli relations, in U.S.-Israeli relations, in the political character and orientation of important Middle Eastern states, and in the U.S. position in that critical area.
Palestinian critique of US and Israeli policy concludes that "a Palestinian state in the occupied territories within the 1967 frontiers in peaceful coexistence alongside Israel is the only 'conceptual' candidate for a historical compromise". For French version see 'Vers la paix en Terre Sainte' Politique Etrangère 53/2 Summer 1988 pp349-364, 1 ref.
Now that it has completed the Israeli withdrawal from Sinai, the government of Israel should consider extending unconditional recognition to the Palestine Liberation Organization as a major representative of the Palestinian people. PLO leader Yassir Arafat should be invited to follow in the footsteps of Egypt's late President Anwar el-Sadat and visit Jerusalem. And the PLO should be summoned to take its seat at the Palestine autonomy negotiations.

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