Europe In Transition: The Management Of Security After The Cold War; The Future Of European Security; Southern European Security In The 1990s
Here we have three books with a total of 38 authors covering a spectrum of issues. Yet events are moving so rapidly that some of the key issues of the present in Europe-the destabilizing impact of mass migrations, Germany's difficulties integrating its eastern part, the breakup of Yugoslavia-are either not touched upon or only lightly addressed. That said, each of these books has considerable merit. The Jackson book, the outgrowth of a Committee on Atlantic Studies conference at the European University in Florence, contains interesting ideas on the future political and security structure of Europe and its relations with the United States. The Crawford work has more emphasis on the domestic sources of change, particularly the all important economic and social factors. And the Aliboni volume, put together by the Italian Institute for International Relations in collaboration with similar groups in Athens, Madrid and Lisbon, provides an important perspective on an often neglected subject: the consequences of the changes in central Europe and the former Soviet Union on the nations of southern Europe and the eastern Mediterranean.
Related
A New and contentious concept has seeped into the transatlantic dialogue in recent times. It has been suggested that the United States may "decouple" itself from its strategic commitment to Western Europe in the future, or perhaps is in the process of doing so now. The codification of mutual deterrence in the SALT agreements of a year ago, combined with the earlier loss of U.S. nuclear superiority, is seen as having considerably eroded the remaining credibility of the American nuclear guarantee to Europe. Some go further to find in the agreements an implicit understanding between the two superpowers that neither will henceforth initiate the use of nuclear weapons in any circumstances short of the direct defense of its own territory. Arid even thoughtful Europeans who still observe the litany of faith in the nuclear guarantee do so with diminished conviction and look for opportunities through coöperative European actions to compensate for a substantial degree of American disengagement.[i]
In many areas, transatlantic cooperation is stronger than ever before. Yet the common perception is of an increasingly fraught relationship, as evidenced by the well-known disputes over beef, bananas, and burden sharing. Assumptions are diverging over security risks and cultural values. Each side criticizes the other's unwieldy policymaking process without admitting its own shortcomings, while leaders pander to domestic interests and prejudices without educating voters on international issues. Europe nonetheless remains indispensable to a multilateral U.S. foreign policy. The Bush administration must acknowledge the European Union as a true partner, in political and military matters as well as in economics. America cannot expect its allies to share the burdens of global leadership without allowing them their say in the issues at stake.
In Waging Modern War, General Wesley Clark describes how NATO bested Serbia -- just barely -- in the organization's first-ever shooting war. With confused priorities, a reluctant military, and overweening lawyers, the alliance was scarcely up to the task.

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