Japan's successful government-guided economic policy is in disarray and unlikely to be revived. In place of consensus policy and administration guidance, individual companies will set their own course and be tougher competitors on the world market.
Japan, Inc. is in disarray. Individual Japanese companies compete just as aggressively as before on the world market. But no distinctive Japanese policy exists any more, least of all in economics. Instead short-term fixes and panicky reactions to the unexpected are the norm. As in the West, these are no substitutes for policy, and they are having little, if any, success. Part of the problem is that none of Japan's available choices looks attractive: none would produce consensus. They would instead divide the nation's major groups--bureaucrats, politicians, business leaders, academia and labor. Japanese newspapers are full of plaints about "weak leadership." But that is only a symptom. The root problem is that the four pillars on which Japanese policy has been based for over thirty years have collapsed or are tottering.
The first pillar of Japanese policy was the belief that Japan was sufficiently important as a bulwark against Soviet communism that the United States would subordinate economic interests to the maintenance of Tokyo's political stability and to the U.S.-Japanese strategic alliance. During the 1970s and 1980s U.S. Ambassador Mike Mansfield repeatedly asserted the priority of the U.S.-Japanese political relationship over all other considerations. The same priorities clearly existed in the Bush administration. The Japanese assumed, correctly, that no matter how loud the American bark, the bite would be only a nip and draw no blood.
Japan must now question this assumption. Will the Clinton administration subordinate U.S. economic interests, real or perceived, to alliance politics? To be sure, America declares itself committed to the defense of Japan, were the country attacked by armed force. However, the Japanese are beginning to realize that the United States will increasingly exact a substantial economic price for this political support--and just at a time when China, Japan's big neighbor, has become the world's one major power that is increasing its military strength. The Europeans, who never subscribed to the Mansfield thesis, are less encumbered. In the next few years, Europe will be deciding not only how many Japanese-made goods to let in, but also whether goods made within Europe by Japanese companies can be sold freely and in large quantities on European markets...
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For years the Japanese have weathered their country's ongoing recession with apparent stoicism. In fact, however, Japan's citizens have learned to find private solutions to their country's many ills, just as Japanese corporations have moved more and more of their operations overseas. But this trend has only driven Japan into deeper economic straits. If the country's charismatic new leader cannot push through fundamental reforms, capital flight and emigration could be the public's next moves.
Over four hundred years ago, the first Occidentals to come to Japan, the Portuguese, wrote letters home stating that the Japanese were different from other Asians and Africans and more like Europeans than any people yet discovered. Visitors from Europe and the Americas are still writing the same kind of letters, but whether the Japanese are really more like Europeans is open to question.
A Dutch commentator calls for an end to US wishful thinking that Japan will ultimately conform to Western ways given continued pressure to do so, and urges the creation of a 'new institutional framework' for global trading relations, based on a mutual recognition of national realities.

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