The Presidency of James Earl Carter
This is the first scholarly assessment of the Carter presidency based on the materials available in the Carter Presidential Library. Kaufman, a professor at Virginia Tech, gives a balanced and sympathetic account but is devastating-and convincing-in his final judgments. Apparently the more one learns about the Carter presidency, and the deeper into the internal documents of his administration one goes, the worse Carter looks.
Kaufman is especially critical of Carter's mismanagement of foreign affairs. He finds Carter "lacking in leadership, ineffective in dealing with Congress, incapable of defending America's honor abroad, and uncertain about its purpose, priorities and sense of direction."
There were some successes, including the Panama treaty and the Camp David accords that brought peace between Israel and Egypt, and Kaufman gives them appropriate space and analysis. But in response to the Iranian Revolution, Carter moved from blunder to blunder, culminating in the botched rescue attempt, which according to Kaufman "probably did more to undercut the Carter presidency than any other single event."
In response to the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, Carter exaggerated the threat and grossly overreacted; Kaufman charges that "pique rather than prudence" dictated his actions. The Olympic boycott was just silly. Still, one legacy-since forgotten-of Carter's reaction to Afghanistan was the 1980 arms buildup, begun by Defense Secretary Harold Brown and continued by the Reagan administration.
Kaufman discusses the pros (there were some) and cons (there were many more) of Carter's human rights policy, his never-very-clear policy toward the Sandinistas, and other aspects of his diplomacy, while maintaining his concentration on Iran and Afghanistan. Domestic policy and partisan politics are also covered. The work as a whole is characterized by sound judgments based on the record and will serve as a guide and inspiration for other, more detailed studies. Someday there will be an attempt at Carter revisionism; when it comes, it will have to deal with Kaufman's scathing summary: Carter was a president who was "long on good intentions but short on know-how," a leader who was "smart, caring, honest and informed" but who suffered from "self-righteousness, micromanagement and an inability to influence public opinion. Carter's was a mediocre, if not a failed, presidency." It should be added that Carter also suffered from rotten luck and that his successors are making him look a lot better than he did in 1981-which is why there will be a Carter revisionism.
Related
Analysts of President Reagan's reelection landslide have made much of the point that it was not necessarily a mandate for tougher policies: the voters' endorsement should be seen as primarily an enthusiastic expression of hope for continuance of the state of economic well-being and patriotic euphoria in which Americans, by and large, found themselves in late 1984. Be that as it may, it does seem quite clear by contrast that four years earlier Jimmy Carter lost votes on foreign policy issues. If Washington's relations with the outside world are going well, they may not be a decisive vote-getter, but the sense that they have gone badly can be a decisive vote-loser. Nothing fails like failure.
While the past decade of Sino-American relations has been largely constructive, the ten years have not been on a steady incline. Rather, there have been two strong forward spurts, from spring 1971 through May 1973, and from May 1978 through early 1980. The relationship has also endured two periods of some acrimony and erosion: from the fall of 1975 to late 1976 and from mid-1980 to the effort to stabilize the relationship reflected in the communiqué on arms sales to Taiwan that was agreed in August 1982. In addition to the periods of rapid forward movement and retrogression, several periods are best portrayed through metaphors such as "plateaus" or "mixed pictures." Even the best periods were punctuated by moments of doubt and uncertainty, while the phases of deterioration were constrained by a common desire to limit the erosion and to preserve a more positive public facade than the private exchanges warranted.
Only Nixon could go to China, but even the architect of America's opening to the world's most populous communist power had to leave full normalization of U.S.-Chinese ties to his heirs. Jimmy Carter knew when he took office that he would take the final difficult step. But no one imagined that the China breakthrough would come as a result of all-out civil war between Secretary of State Cyrus Vance and National Security Adviser Zbigniew Brzezinski, whose competition reached startling depths. At every turn down a very long road, momentous decisions on Taiwan and Cold War strategy jostled with bitter personal rivalries.

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