Russia and Japan: An Unresolved Dilemma between Distant Neighbors
This is a collection of essays by American, Japanese and Russian academics on Russian-Japanese relations. The quality is erratic. Especially informative is Mike Mochizuki's essay on Japanese thinking about post-Soviet Russia. He divides Japanese thinkers into three groups: geopoliticians, nationalists and arms controllers. The Japanese geopoliticians see a persisting Russian naval threat and argue for strengthening the U.S.-Japan alliance and modernizing Japanese forces. The nationalists argue that Japan must develop an autonomous defense policy so that it could opt out of any Russian-U.S. military conflict. The arms controllers stress the possibility of naval arms-control agreements now that the Cold War is over.
Another informative essay by two Russian academics, Goncharov and Kuchins, notes several competing strains in Russian foreign-policy thinking. On the right is a fundamentalist view which advocates an imperial foreign policy to maintain the balance of power on the Eurasian continent and contain "American imperialism." There are also isolationists whose highest priority is to protect the country from economic dependence and spiritual pollution from the West. Finally, there are pro-Western democrats, now in control, who wish to build a democratic Russia and to align Russia with Western states that share democratic values.
Since 1991, the authors say that a split has emerged in the democratic camp between "Atlanticists" and "Eurasianists." The former believe that Russia's first priority should be integration with the West. The latter speak about a special role for Russia, either as a land bridge between Europe and Asia or as a stabilizing force in Central Asia and the Caucasus.
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In the decades ahead, the center of the global HIV/AIDS pandemic is set to shift from Africa to Eurasia. The death toll in that region's three pivotal countries--Russia, India, and China--could be staggering. This will assuredly be a humanitarian tragedy, but it will be much more than that. The disease will alter the economic potential of the region's major states and the global balance of power. Moscow, New Delhi, and Beijing could take steps to mitigate the disaster--but so far they have not.
Initially devised to maintain a system of fixed exchange rates, the IMF took on a new role during the Latin American debt crisis of the 1980s-providing moderate amounts of credit, facilitating debt renegotiations, and recommending responsible macroeconomic policies. But the IMF is also applying the lessons of Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union, where a fundamental economic restructuring was necessary, to Asia. So in Korea, for example, the fund called for reform of inefficient conglomerates and inflexible labor laws. However beneficial in the long run, such changes are not needed to resolve the current crisis. By stepping in too far and too soon, the IMF discourages countries from seeking modest help. Even worse, it encourages bankers to undertake more risky loans, making another crisis more likely.
Compares the processes of economic liberalization in the USSR and China, to the latter's advantage, and considers that "China may be a more receptive environment for economic reform", possibly because the reform process has been going on longer there, possibly for cultural reasons, i.e. willingness to undertake labour-intensive activity "regarded as exploitative and beneath Soviet dignity" (in other words, because China is at a lower stage of development). Both countries have embarked upon a venture for which there is no blueprint and which may spill over beyond the economic realm.

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