By casting its lot wholly with Boris Yeltsin, the Clinton administration has missed what should be the larger aim of U.S. policy toward Russia - security for the West. The former Soviet nuclear arsenal still looms as a threat, and Russia's conventional weapons trickle out to America's global adversaries. The United States needs to state and pursue clear security goals, regardless of who prevails in Russia's politics.
Philip Zelikow is Assistant Professor of Public Policy at Harvard Universitys John F Kennedy School of Government. Formerly a Foreign Service Officer with the Department of State, he served on the staff of the National Security Council from 1989 to 1991.
FOLLOWING AMERICA’S ENDURING INTERESTS
Beset by foreign policy crises in Bosnia, Somalia and Haiti, President Clinton and his chief advisers have argued over and again that they are at least getting the big issues right. They invariably point to their policy toward Russia as the exemplar of this success. Indeed, the administration deserves great credit for energetically organizing multinational economic assistance to the former Soviet Union. It also chose wisely to endorse Russian President Boris Yeltsin’s dictatorship during the September struggle with his parliamentary opponents--though it was inconceivable that any American administration could have lined up behind Ruslan Khasbulatov and Aleksandr Rutskoi. The real choice was whether to support Yeltsin with strong words or weak ones.
Individual accomplishments, however, must be judged against some external standard. The best measure of success with Russia is the extent to which America and its friends have become safer and more secure. Judged by this ruler, the results are troubling. The Clinton administration has elevated support for internal reform in Russia--a means to an end--into an end in itself. It is revealing that the administration’s own policy czar of all the Russias, Strobe Talbott, has emphasized to the Congress that, "Bill Clinton made clear that support for reform in the newly independent states would be the number one foreign policy priority of his administration."
While there has been much support for reform, there has been less success so far on the objective of enhancing America’s security. American policies have not kept pace with the growing danger of dispersal of nuclear weapons and materials within the former Soviet Union. Russia and other republics could still become important conventional arsenals for America’s adversaries. And the record of cooperation in "global problem solving" with Russia has gone from excellent at the end of 1991 to problematic by the end of 1993.
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We have been accustomed, during most of the past 25 years, to think of our security in terms of the containment of Soviet expansionism, relying largely upon a comfortable superiority in military power. A number of developments now call into question the adequacy of this conception and of our understanding of the nature of effective power in the modern world.
Oil-exporting nations are seeking the capital, technology and management skills of the very international oil companies they shut the door on in the 1970's. Driving the changed relationship is broadened competition for market share needed investments that meet the double criteria of economic and environmental competitiveness. Now flat, oil demand could increase by 20 percent in the next decade, pushed by Asia's economic growth. Evening with the opening of Russia, most increased production can be expected from the Middle East, maintaining that troubled region's strategic importance.
Moscow with a Soviet hangover tests the patience even of those who most wish to engage it. As Chechnya festers, privatization lags, and the world contemplates the possibility of a communist president in the Kremlin dreaming of empire, some ridicule the notion of partnership. Russian chauvinists paint America as the enemy, but the interests of the two countries after the Cold War are compatible. The West should focus its attention--and Russia's--on common interests like nonproliferation of nuclear weapons, regional peace, and full participati0n in the world economy. America should deal rationally with irrationalities in a nation finding its way.
