Negotiating with the Chinese: Or How Not to Kowtow
In a political culture where negotiations reflect personal interests and power rather than a desire to solve problems, judicious threats go further than kowtowing.
Franklin L. Lavin, currently Executive Director of the Asia Pacific Policy Center in Washington, D.C., served at the U.S. Department of Commerce from 1991 to 1993 as Deputy Assistant Secretary for East Asia and the Pacific.
If international trade is such an undisputed good, why are there so many disputes in international trade? Nowhere is this paradox more acute than with China. Every encounter between U.S. and Chinese negotiators has been characterized by unpleasantness and friction. A few years of negotiations between the United States and Mexico resolved a gamut of trade issues and led to a free-trade accord. During the same period, the Chinese agreed to only modest liberalizing steps, and only after the United States raised the specter of massive trade retaliation.
The United States and China have had substantial trade relations only for about a decade. But already a sharp pattern has emerged. America’s 1993 trade deficit with China, $23 billion, was its second largest, right after its deficit with Japan. China’s $32 billion worth of exports to the United States constitutes more than one-fourth of China’s total trade. U.S. exports to China, however, totaled only $9 billion and made up less than two percent of all U.S. exports. A bilateral deficit may be the result of many factors, but even so, the U.S. import-export ratio with China is the worst of all its major trading partners. It is thus hard to avoid the impression that the Chinese market remains essentially closed to the United States while the American market is essentially open to China.
This wave of Chinese imports has emboldened affected American industries, such as textile and apparel. American labor unions and other groups have issued protectionist calls to stem the tide. Alongside China’s reduced appeal as a strategic asset with the end of the Cold War and its elevated profile as a target for human rights criticism after the Tiananmen Square massacre, the general trade imbalance also incites annual congressional demands to eliminate China’s most-favored-nation trade status and even to impose sanctions on Beijing.
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The Clinton administration inherits strained bilateral relations with the leading powers of Asia and no coherent policy for the Asia/Pacific region as a whole. Trade, security and diplomatic style are the overarching challenges--and on all three counts prominent Asians are worried. They fear a president bent on building trade walls, bringing home American troops and lecturing on human rights. Yet respect for the United States remains instinctive throughout the region, particularly given convincing progress in rejuvenating the American economy. Asia's quest for economic growth and more democratic government awaits leadership from Washington.
The Defense Department's new report on East Asia reads as if the Cold War is ongoing. For Japan, the report signals U.S. acceptance of its ruinous trade deficits. For other Asian nations, it signals the hollowness of American superpower pretensions. The report masks the failure of the Clinton administration's trade policy. By insisting Japan remain a U.S. protectorate, Washington encourages Tokyo's reactionaries. The real threat to Asian security is not China but U.S. distrust of Japan as a true ally. Cold War military power is irrelevant to the economic challenges posed by East Asia's dynamism. Someone should tell the Pentagon.
Politicians in Washington are clamoring for currency revaluation in China to reverse China's trade surplus with the United States. But the trade imbalance is not the threat they make it out to be, and a stronger yuan is not the solution. Everybody should focus instead on properly integrating China into the global economy.

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