Germanys Chained Economy: The Social Contract Frays
Germany, the grandmother of social welfare states, is being forced to take a hard look at its long tradition of generous social benefits for workers (and now for eastern Germans as well). Lengthy paid vacations, guaranteed jobs, cash-heavy unemployment benefits, and labyrinths of regulations are conspiring to set up daunting hurdles to a competitive economy. Starting a new business is laborious; hiring workers is expensive compared with elsewhere; and the country's once-renowned education system is stagnant. Even worse, when German baby boomers are ready to claim their hallowed pensions, the money may not be there. Germans will have to pen a new social contract for the 21st century.
Amity Shlaes, a member of the Wall Street Journal editorial board, writes on economics. She is the author of a book on German national identity, Germany: The Empire Within.
The fanciful novel reads, "Guangzhou, January 4, 2022. The first world's fair in the supermodern convention center of the south Chinese metropolis has just opened." At the center of the exhibition, perpetual economic leaders such as Japan and the United States have set up their stands. Germany, however, is nothing more than a tiny, unimportant player relegated to a far corner. There, its diplomats to the world's fair "wait around with embarrassment for a call from the Korean prime minister . . . [he] had important commitments, but he has agreed to appear out of old loyalty."
This particularly German nightmare of geo-economic humiliation comes from Can the Germans Still Be Saved?, a 1994 book by Herbert Henzler, chairman of McKinsey Germany, and Lothar Spaeth, a former state governor and chief executive of the firm Jenoptik. Their scenario, of course, is exaggerated. After all, Germany is currently bursting out of its recession; 1994 in the newly enlarged Federal Republic, as in the United States, will go on record as a year of growth. The Deutsche mark dominates the European economy. Time and again since the birth of the Federal Republic, German leaders and economic analysts have wrongly predicted German decline. Just 12 years ago, warnings of Eurosclerosis possessed the land. National worries about competition from new, cheaper markets entering the European Community sent Germans into a funk. Gloom that Germany had hit a fateful unemployment level of two million (a bit more than half of the current level) helped topple one of the republic's most successful chancellors, Helmut Schmidt. An ordinarily foresightful columnist from the Wall Street Journal, Vermont Royster, published an October 1982 column entitled "End of a Miracle." A few years later, Germany was booming.
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The surface was all smiles and harmony. After years of transatlantic distress, the major nations of the democratic West assembled in May in the splendor of Colonial Williamsburg to manifest their unity and their confidence. There were two new faces among the seven heads of state and government, both symbols of a significant political change in their respective countries: West German Chancellor Helmut Kohl, who had replaced Helmut Schmidt in October 1982 and whose party, the Christian Democrats, had just been confirmed by a massive popular vote on March 6, and Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone, the leader of Japan's Liberal Democratic Party and government who, in striking contrast to his predecessors, articulated a newly confident, internationally minded Japan.
We are the allies of the United States, not their vassals." These words were spoken in late September 1984 by the Minister of the Interior of the West German state of Hesse, a Social Democrat. He was responding to an American corps commander who had called German demonstrators at an American military training area "anarchists and criminals," and demanded their full prosecution under German law. According to the U.S. officer, the demonstrators had "damaged military vehicles, sprayed paint and thrown rocks at soldiers." German police arrested 188 demonstrators, charged them with disturbing the peace, trespassing and damaging property, and then released them.
FOR five years between 1925 and 1929, a certain portion of mankind, like those parched travelers in the desert who think they have glimpsed the oasis which will save them, believed the gate to lasting peace was at hand. This, as we now know, was only a mirage. But such a mirage had never before existed. People had never believed so fervently in the blessings of peace, or hoped so passionately that peace would be perpetual. Optimism rose to new heights. "Away with cannon and machineguns: instead, conciliation, arbitration, and peace!" At the meeting of the League of Nations on September 10, 1926, when Germany, recently defeated, was received as a member, the French Foreign Minister Aristide Briand touched a new intensity of emotion with these celebrated words.
