U.S.-India Tensions: Misperceptions on Nuclear Proliferation
America's view of India as a nuclear revisionist state discounts India's many disarmament initiatives and its adherence to basic nonproliferation efforts.
Deepa Ollapally is Assistant Professor of Political Science at Swarthmore College. Raja Ramanna is Director of the National Institute of Advanced Studies in Bangalore, India, and a former Chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission of India.
Relations between India and the United States have improved considerably since the end of the Cold War, but they are still punctuated by controversies over nuclear nonproliferation. To a significant extent, these conflicts seem to be the result of persisting American beliefs that India is obstinate about the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty, that India is vulnerable to technology?denying efforts, and that it can be equated with its neighbor, Pakistan. These perceptions take on added import because of the assumption by American policymakers that South Asia is the most dangerous nuclear hot spot. Implicitly, India's image also continues to be that of a revisionist state destined to be at odds with the United States, a status quo global power. These are misperceptions that deserve attention, as only four months remain for constructive dialogue before the NPT conference convenes to review the expiring 30?year?old treaty.
The NPT has come to represent the core of U.S. nonproliferation efforts. The Clinton administration has promised to spare no effort to get an indefinite extension. The United States sees India's continuing opposition to signing what New Delhi considers an inherently discriminatory NPT as symptomatic of India's tendency to obstruct global arms control efforts. This view, however, discounts India's numerous disarmament initiatives (in the United Nations and elsewhere) and its adherence to the principles that underlie the NPT.
In India's view, the NPT curbs the spread of nuclear weapons to non-nuclear states without providing adequate security guarantees. Furthermore, it fails to reduce or eliminate stockpiles of the weapon states and thus legitimates them. India regards vertical and horizontal proliferation of nuclear weapons as equal threats to peace, and contends that elimination efforts ought to proceed in tandem. It also believes the United States unfairly singles it out from Pakistan and Israel, two other key NPT nonsignatory states. Although undeclared, Israel is surmised to have a sizable nuclear arsenal. While controversy surrounds the Pakistani nuclear program, Pakistan is on record as having the components of at least one bomb and was identified in reports last summer as smuggling weapons?grade contraband plutonium from the former Soviet Union through Germany.
INDIA'S RESTRAINT
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The two key issues are development aid levels and Pakistan's nuclear policy. On the first, argues that the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan, plus US budget constraints, indicate that "extraordinarily high levels of aid cannot and should not be maintained". On the second, asserts that the USA should, if it proves unable to persuade Pakistan to renounce its nuclear programme, lower its sights and settle for Pakistani agreement not to test nuclear weapons.
Over the last year, the U.S. and Indian governments struck a deal that recognizes India as a nuclear weapons power. Critics say Washington gave up too much too soon and at a great cost to nonproliferation efforts. Perhaps. But India could in time become a valuable security partner. So despite the deal's flaws and the uncertainties surrounding its implementation, Washington should move forward with it.
DEAD TO RIGHTS
Mitchell B. Reiss and Robert L. Gallucci
