The Chinese at the Negotiating Table: Style and Characteristics
The author of this original study of Chinese negotiating behavior is a career military officer, who completed his service as the U.S. Army attache in Beijing, and has a Ph.D. in political science. He is now a vice president of the Atlantic Council.
The study carefully reviews Sino-American negotiations at Panmunjom in the 1950s and at Geneva and Warsaw in the 1950s and 1960s. In addition to consulting the records of these negotiations, the author interviewed more than 40 individuals from China, Japan, and Korea who participated in or were knowledgeable about Sino-American and Sino-Japanese negotiations. The result is a carefully nuanced study of Chinese negotiating tactics that should be useful to diplomats and scholars in the years ahead.
Among his most interesting conclusions, Wilhelm says the Chinese government was prepared to normalize relations with the United States as early as the ambassadorial talks in 1955. The Chinese felt they went more than halfway toward U.S. requirements but that U.S. domestic politics prevented a breakthrough.
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The Dalai Lama's international campaign against China has pushed Beijing to modernize Tibet, resulting in an influx of non-Tibetans seeking economic opportunity. If the Dalai Lama wants to preserve Tibet as a homeland, he must either acquiesce in violence by militants or compromise. He will resist either course, so the United States should facilitate negotiations. Full autonomy is out, but the Dalai Lama can obtain a greater emphasis on the Tibetan language and a larger number of positions for Tibetans in the administration.
Critics of the Clinton administration's engagement policy toward China are largely unaware of the last two decades' profound political changes in the Middle Kingdom. Deng Xiaoping received his due for his economic reforms, but not for the kinder, gentler politics that helped reduce elite backstabbing, broaden the backgrounds and outlook of government officials, strengthen the legislature, and improve the legal system. But even if the pace picks up, Washington should not expect a rapid expansion of democratic participation.
Although Beijing is usually thought of as the villain, Taipei, provocatively moving toward independence, must be reined in.

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