Temptations of a Superpower
This short volume, based on the inaugural Goldman lecture at the Library of Congress, is an eloquent meditation on the role of the United States in the world. Steel, a professor at the University of Southern California, believes that the foreign policy elite has lost touch with the interests of the nation and that its globalist vision, increasingly archaic with the end of the Cold War, stands as a profound obstacle to the reformation of domestic society. Steel is particularly effective as a critic of neo-Wilsonianism, and he gives a cogent account of the moral and practical hazards attending the indiscriminate support of national self-determination, the pursuit of collective security, and the coercive promotion of democracy. In a book filled with severe strictures against intervention, he carves out, somewhat surprisingly, a substantial exception for humanitarian interventions to end genocide, arguing that the failure of the United States to intervene in Rwanda and Cambodia was "shameful." (Even critics of imperial temptations, one must conclude, are not entirely free of the syndromes they normally lambaste.) As in his first book, The End of Alliance, published over 30 years ago, Steel consigns nato to the dustbin of history. Though one must concede that these obituaries appear more and more plausible, Steel makes no attempt to confront the peculiar obstacles that the European Union, with Germany inevitably in the vanguard, would face in maintaining order in Europe without the pacifying presence of American power.
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New Zealand's decision to exclude nuclear weapons from its territory, and the American response to that decision, have raised serious questions about the character and management of the ANZUS (Australia-New Zealand-United States) alliance and the security of the South Pacific.
In many areas, transatlantic cooperation is stronger than ever before. Yet the common perception is of an increasingly fraught relationship, as evidenced by the well-known disputes over beef, bananas, and burden sharing. Assumptions are diverging over security risks and cultural values. Each side criticizes the other's unwieldy policymaking process without admitting its own shortcomings, while leaders pander to domestic interests and prejudices without educating voters on international issues. Europe nonetheless remains indispensable to a multilateral U.S. foreign policy. The Bush administration must acknowledge the European Union as a true partner, in political and military matters as well as in economics. America cannot expect its allies to share the burdens of global leadership without allowing them their say in the issues at stake.
America now faces the prospect of economic conflicts with both Europe and East Asia. The United States and the European Union have already fired the first shots of retaliatory sanctions over their ever-growing trade disputes. On the other side of the world, meanwhile, Asian countries are creating a bloc of their own that could include preferential trade arrangements and an Asian Monetary Fund. These developments could produce a tripolar world and hamper global economic integration. To avert this outcome, the United States must quell its domestic backlash against globalization and reassert its economic leadership in the world. The new Bush administration should make multilateral trade liberalization a top priority -- or it will face unpleasant economic and political consequences as the U.S. and foreign economies slow.
