Rich Relations: The American Occupation of Britain, 1942-1945
A brilliant study of what the massive presence of G.I.s in wartime Britain meant to the English and to American troops, of which there were 1.5 million just before D-Day and a total of 3 million over the entire war years. An account of official policies, of Allied cooperation and wrangling, of actual lives lived and, in many cases, subsequently and often faultily remembered. A generous work, from which, inter alia, Eisenhower emerges as an inspired and caring commander for whom harmonious relations with the English was a high priority. The author, an English historian married to an American architect, is particularly sensitive to the fate of black G.I.s, segregated by prejudice and often policy, who experienced official British racism and also a country that was far freer of the color line than the country from which they came and to which, often wiser, they returned. This emphatic work, widely researched, lucidly written, with its sensitive and imaginative analyses, focuses on neglected aspects of what--for all the difficulties and dark sides--was surely the gentlest "occupation" of the entire war.
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The fruits of détente in Europe are now being gathered. West German Chancellor Willy Brandt has completed his triad of treaties with former enemies in Moscow, Warsaw and East Berlin, The accord on West Berlin has confirmed that city's status and removed it, for the present at least, as a possible flashpoint of war. President Richard Nixon has made his voyage to Moscow to proclaim with the Soviet leaders a new era in Soviet-American relations, on which the return visit now sets its seal. Visions of sugarplums dance in the heads of Soviet planners and Western businessmen. Détente, of course, does not have the same purposes for all concerned, and some may find its fruits bitter or the sugarplums unripe. Nevertheless, as all prepare to sit down together in Helsinki at a conference on security and coöperation, the cold war seems far away.
In Kosovo, America stumbled into the age of computer warfare. Now Washington must think hard about how to attack its foes' electronic networks and defend its own.
Defends the traditional, pessimistic evaluation of NATO's conventional capabilities against revisionists, and argues that "NATO is highly unlikely to make the conventional force improvements seemingly dictated by the INF treaty". Predicts a Soviet arms control offensive upon "a vulnerable and divided NATO... the alliance has painted itself into a corner, and the paint will not dry". Despite all this, NATO will continue to prevent war in Europe.
