Slaughterhouse: Bosnia and the Failure of the West
Rieff is twice different from other commentators on the Balkans. First, for him, the issue is settled; the disaster is complete; Bosnia is destroyed, with nothing to be saved. The ongoing struggle to control the carnage and find some basis for ending the war -- at a minimum to prevent its escalation or spread -- has no meaning for him when set alongside what the West has lost of its soul, the integrity of its most cherished values, and, not least, its capacity to act in still more fateful circumstances. Second, where other writers start from an analysis of the Bosnian tragedy, its causes, and the reasons for its course and only from the side smuggle in sentiment and indictment, Rieff's aim is different, and on that he is up front. He intends his book to be a skewering of Western governments and the U.N. agencies whose skirts they hid behind for letting the tragedy happen. Analysis and the recounting of what he saw serve simply as skewers.
So this is an angry, indignant writer, a journalist who frankly admits to the bias many have accused the Western press of having on the Bosnian war, freely lambasting U.S. administrations, European politicians, and even the U.N. Protection Force. Why then read the book? First, because his is one of the first serious attempts to deal systematically with the responsibility of those on the outside, including the United Nations, for what has happened, as opposed to the many other books assigning responsibility among those on the inside. Second because, with the potency of a very talented writer, he carries the reader beyond the wrenching facts of the war to the deep, twisted meaning they have come to have for the people there and, no less, for those of us far away. This last he does by asking as insistently as anyone could what it signifies to have permitted genocide to destroy a country. The great powers could have prevented it, he believes, though only at very great cost to themselves. What, is his ultimate question, are the implications for their future of refusing to pay great costs for great principles?
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Astonishing events in Czechoslovakia were only the latest in a series of changes in the communist world that took the outside world by surprise. The thaw and Hungarian rebellion of 1956, China's break with the Soviet Union and immersion in internal convulsion, and even the rejection of Russian control in Rumania-all were largely unforeseen (with only a few exceptions) even by expert opinion in the West, Like military planners who prepare for the last war, commentators on communist affairs in their preoccupation with accounting for the last surprise have often left the public unprepared for the next one. The concept of monolithic totalitarianism, based on parallels between Hitler and the later Stalin, ill prepared us to expect rebellion in Hungary; preoccupation with the Sino-Soviet split (which was only belatedly thought to be important, and then rapidly promoted into being the controlling factor in the divided communist world of the sixties) distracted us from any expectation of liberal deviation in Czechoslovakia.
Europe is increasingly restless with the division imposed on it more than twenty years ago. To end that division, and thereby to take a step toward a larger community of the developed nations, is a task requiring the often conflicting virtues of perseverance and imagination. It also requires asking explicitly: What can be done in the next twenty years to change this condition-and to change it in a way that is compatible with historical trends and more immediate requirements of political reality?
Europeans enter the 1980s experiencing, for the first time since the cold war, a deep sense of concern--and even fear in some quarters--for the preservation of peace on their Continent. The decade began with speeches by European leaders, including President Giscard d'Estaing and Pope John Paul II, stressing the risks of a new world war, and polls conducted in several European countries throughout 1980 echoed similar qualms.

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