A Nation in Waiting: Indonesia in the 1990s
The author of this admirable volume is a correspondent with the Far Eastern Economic Review who lived and worked in Indonesia from 1988 to 1992. As thoughtful an account of the Suharto era in Indonesian politics as one could hope for.
On the one hand, as the author points out, Suharto's authoritarian rule combined with pragmatic economic policies over the past 30 years have dramatically reduced poverty in Indonesia while substantially increasing education, literacy, and health. The nation's industrial sector has grown rapidly, and so too has the private sector. Manufacturing exports now make up a fifth of gross domestic product. Meanwhile, social changes have also been profound. A middle class of professionals and white collar employees is forming.
But more and more educated Indonesians see Suharto's brand of leadership as excessively paternalistic and a hindrance to national development. The general unresponsiveness of the political process, the weakness of the legislative and judicial branches of government, the prevalence of officially sustained corruption, and the unpredictability of succession are now seen as a brake on Indonesia's development. What Suharto's critics want, however, is not Western democracy but a more responsive system with checks and balances. The author concludes that Suharto must start preparing for a smooth transition, or Indonesia could be plunged into turmoil.
Related
Into his fourth decade in power, President Suharto has guided an impoverished, strife-ridden nation to rising prosperity and outward stability, at the cost of abridged political and civil liberties, gutted democratic institutions, and flourishing corruption. Now economic disparities, ethnic and religious differences, and the frustrated aspirations of a new generation are triggering outbreaks of violence across the islands, and what passes for politics in Indonesia is unable to cope. The unsettled succession to Suharto, 76, is, frankly, scary.
The most dynamic factors in Indonesian politics today are the action fronts of university and high school students, KAMI and KAPPI. Many of their members were born after the August 17, 1945, Proclamation of Independence. Unlike their elders, who are still inclined to blame "imperialism" for the mess their country finds itself in, the new generation holds President Sukarno personally responsible. For them the man who led the nationalist movement forty years ago is neither a father-figure nor a charismatic leader, but the creator of a bankrupt and dishonorable Old Order.
The course of Indonesian policy today must cause doubt and deep concern regarding the future of the world's fifth largest nation. Since Premier Khrushchev's ten-day visit in February 1960, Indonesia has become a major target of Soviet aid and influence, and only massive Western efforts can now prevent its gradual incorporation into the Communist bloc. All the instrumentalities available to the Kremlin-overt and covert, domestic and international-are concentrated on the elimination of Western influences from Indonesia, its isolation from the new nations of Asia and Africa, erosion of the will of domestic anti-Communist political forces to resist capture of the government by the Communist Party, and eventual alignment with the Soviet Union. What the West faces in Indonesia is not simply harassment from a group of conspirators, in usual cold-war fashion, but an all-out challenge from a great power. Indonesia has become a testing ground for the new techniques of power politics, with the local Communist Party only one of various instruments used by the Soviet state to supplant Western influence.
