Overcoming the Legacies of Dictatorship
The new democracies of Latin America and Eastern Europe are grappling with their dictatorial pasts_deciding whether to purge the old regimes' officials, hold truth commissions, open secret police files, or try the gunmen and leaders of tyranny. But the two regions face different threats. The Latin American democracies are too weak to keep the juntas from returning, while in Eastern Europe, the state is too strong, prone to authoritarian abuses reminiscent of the bad old days.
Tina Rosenberg is a Senior Fellow at the World Policy Institute. Her most recent book is The Haunted Land: Facing Europe's Ghosts after Communism, published in May by Random House.
NEW DEMOCRACIES, OLD WOUNDS
"No one touches anyone," warned General Augusto Pinochet in October 1989, two months before Chile's first free elections since his 1973 coup. "The day they touch one of my men, the rule of law ends. This I say once and will not say again." The old junta leader's comment, made almost casually to reporters, cast a pall over the fiesta?like campaign atmosphere. As expected, the anti?Pinochet forces won. But the general's warning still hangs in the air. Pinochet's democratic successors have chosen not to call his bluff.
Pinochet's language was unusually blunt, but the dilemma that the old tyrant's warning created for the new Chilean republic was nothing new. One of the first questions a newly democratic nation must face is that of what to do with its old dictators. Since the French Revolution, it has been clear that the choices new democracies make -- whether and how to investigate tyranny's legacy, try its leaders, purge its bureaucrats, or touch one of its gunmen -- can set the course for a nascent democratic system. But only in the past 15 years or so have nations become fully aware of what is at stake when dealing with a repressive past.
After World War II, the notion of human rights and civil liberties -- previously believed to be out of reach for the citizens of most countries -- was increasingly accepted by a growing number of nations. In addition, since the mid?1970s, a staggering number of countries have turned from dictatorship to elected civilian government. First came southern Europe -- Portugal, Greece, and Spain. In the 1980s, the wave hit Latin America -- Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Ecuador, Honduras, Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, and Uruguay. In 1992, El Salvador ended a war that took the lives of 75,000 civilians. In the 1980s and early 1990s, at least 15 African nations moved away from repressive one?party rule and held multiparty elections. After 1989, the Soviet bloc completed the avalanche. All are now wrestling with their repressive pasts.
This is a premium article
You must be a Foreign Affairs subscriber to continue reading. If you are already a print subscriber, click here to activate your online access.
Log In
Buy PDF
Buy a premium PDF reprint of this article.Related
The ruckus over the election of a religious conservative as Turkey's president has exposed the illiberal nature of Turkish secularism -- as well as the pragmatism of the country's reformed Islamists. Preserving democracy in Turkey by keeping the military out of politics will be a tall order, but the future of the Muslim world's most promising democratic experiment is at stake.
In a penetrating new book, Ernest Gellner examines an old Enlightenment idea that could be the key to the success of democratic reform in Eastern Europe.
In Central Europe the greatest threat to democracy comes not from the nationalists but from the better-organized former communist parties. Encouraging Western-style conservative parties would provide economic and political competition.
