Nationalism and Nationalities in the New Europe
While they do not break any new ground, the essays in this book are uniformly well-written and provide a clear and organized discussion of the problem of nationalism in Europe today and its implications for U.S. foreign policy. David Calleo provides a historical context for the modern European understanding of the nation-state in analyzing the thought of Herder and Bosanquet. Ezra Suleiman is on the mark in arguing that pushing for the deepening of the European Union envisioned in the Maastricht treaty may serve to stimulate a nationalist backlash rather than constraining nationalism, as its proponents suggest; broadening to the east is a higher priority. The authors come up with a laundry list of policy implications from economic assistance to educational programs to the suggestion that limited intervention in Bosnia might have been successful. One is left with the strong sense that ethnic conflict in Europe is a problem more effectively analyzed than dealt with by outside powers.
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There have been three widely separated political Greeces: the ancient city- states, the Byzantine empire and modern Greece, which won its independence from the Turks less than a century and a half ago. In essence, there is little relationship between the governance of these three Greeces but, because of classical influence on contemporary education and because the early Athenians were so gifted in defining and elaborating systems of thought, there is a persistent tendency to regard contemporary Greece in terms of its antique glory. Nowadays above all, when the country is governed by a stolid group of Colonels, it is fashionable to decry dictatorship in the birthplace of democracy.
Antony Blinken has missed a fundamental transformation at work. America and Europe may still share values and interests, but Europe and the world have changed profoundly since the Cold War. The transatlantic relationship must change, too.
In Germany as in France, 1969 will be remembered as the year of the break in continuity. The principal break is in each case obvious: the departure of General de Gaulle after eleven years in power and the relegation of the Christian Democrats to the opposition after twenty years in power. But the nature and import of these breaks call for interpretation.
