How Russia Became a Market Economy
Aslund--an expert on the Soviet economy and its reforming successors--along with his colleague Jeffrey Sachs, was there from the start, and he gives the reader all the flavor of what it was like to strike up a relationship with former Prime Minister Yegor T. Gaidar and the other bright young Western-oriented economists at the moment of their triumphant assignment as architects of economic reform for a newly independent Russia.
From that insider's perspective, he faults Gaidar and the others for failing to go far enough fast enough or to attend to politics and the building of an adequate political base. They paid, he argues, by running out of time very early. Most of their macroeconomic reform designs were cut short six months after they started.
Most of their mistakes, however, as Aslund judges matters, involve the things they did not do rather than those they did. He has no patience for those who argue that the Gaidar reform was too radical for Russia. In fighting inflation and creating a stable macroeconomic environment there is for him a single universe, and Russian politicians and contrarians, whatever their frustrations and shibboleths, cannot escape that fact. Those who have fought this line are not going to be persuaded by Aslund's book, but they, like the rest of us who are more agnostic, will profit greatly from his detailed, intelligent analysis of the massive economic problems that the Yeltsin regime has faced.
Related
Analysis of the 'Shatalin plan' to introduce a market economy within 500 days.
Russia does not need a Pinochet, but it does need the Chilean economic model. For Russia to grow at self-sustaining annual rates of seven to ten percent for a decade or two -- the only way it can pull itself out of poverty -- it needs much more economic liberalization. Four reforms inspired by Chile's dramatic turnaround can help Russia out of its doldrums: pension privatization, tax reform, radical deregulation of coddled industries, and the replacement of the ruble with the euro. The indispensable element is not a strong four-star general but a team of determined economic policymakers who know that freedom works.
Russia's popular new president is better positioned than his predecessor was to enact needed reforms. But all of Vladimir Putin's efforts will come to nought unless he can do what Boris Yeltsin never did: rein in Russia's plutocrats. These ruthless oligarchs have fleeced Russia of staggering sums, seizing control of its oil industry -- one of the world's largest -- in the process. Through payoffs and intimidation, they have insinuated themselves into electoral politics and virtually immunized themselves from prosecution. None of Russia's problems -- neither its crippled economy, nor its emaciated infrastructure, nor its wheezing democracy -- will be solved while the robber barons retain their power. America cannot afford to sit on the sidelines any longer.
