How Russia Became a Market Economy
Aslund--an expert on the Soviet economy and its reforming successors--along with his colleague Jeffrey Sachs, was there from the start, and he gives the reader all the flavor of what it was like to strike up a relationship with former Prime Minister Yegor T. Gaidar and the other bright young Western-oriented economists at the moment of their triumphant assignment as architects of economic reform for a newly independent Russia.
From that insider's perspective, he faults Gaidar and the others for failing to go far enough fast enough or to attend to politics and the building of an adequate political base. They paid, he argues, by running out of time very early. Most of their macroeconomic reform designs were cut short six months after they started.
Most of their mistakes, however, as Aslund judges matters, involve the things they did not do rather than those they did. He has no patience for those who argue that the Gaidar reform was too radical for Russia. In fighting inflation and creating a stable macroeconomic environment there is for him a single universe, and Russian politicians and contrarians, whatever their frustrations and shibboleths, cannot escape that fact. Those who have fought this line are not going to be persuaded by Aslund's book, but they, like the rest of us who are more agnostic, will profit greatly from his detailed, intelligent analysis of the massive economic problems that the Yeltsin regime has faced.
Related
Ukraine has yet to solve the challenge of life after communism. Hyperinflation is just a memory and democracy is well entrenched, but production is declining, state industries remain unsold, and investors have largely stayed away. With nationalists ascendant in Russia, Ukraine needs Western money and diplomatic backing to preserve its independence and keep reform on track. A free, democratic Ukraine can serve as a model for Russia, prevent a new Soviet Union, and promote stability among its neighbors. A civil war between its Russified east and its more Ukrainian west, or its absorption into a new Russian empire, would reverberate throughout Europe.
The Caspian basin holds enormous oil and gas deposits that could play a critical role in the world's economic future. But getting them out of the ground and onto the market requires overcoming formidable political and geographic problems. For its own sake as well as the region's, Washington should do whatever is necessary to ensure the emergence of secure and independent routes for Caspian energy to reach the outside world.
Russia's era of romantic democracy is over. Boris Yeltsin's victory in the 1996 elections marked the rise of a new class of oligarchs who have profited from post-Cold War chaos. But Westerners who predict a return to authoritarianism and cultural stagnation overlook how far Russia has come since the late 1980s, and how it has opened to the world. It is not the Soviet Union, nor the land of the czars. In the short term, most Russians cannot hope for much, especially from their leaders. But with its political reforms, 98 percent privatized economy, and educated, urban population, Russia has a great deal going for it-maybe more than China.

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