North Korea and the Bomb: A Case Study in Nonproliferation
North Korea's nuclear ambitions have posed one of the most acute and complex foreign policy dilemmas for the Clinton administration and the nuclear nonproliferation regime. They are also an issue on which extreme differences remain. The author has produced a very informative and well-documented account of how the United States and North Korea have arrived at their current positions, and he has drawn some conclusions about the more general problem of nuclear proliferation. Mazarr makes clear that the Clinton administration, for all its inconsistency and occasional ineptness, deserves more credit than it has been given for avoiding a military confrontation. Although there are many critics of the nuclear freeze agreement, the author decides that if the deal is implemented, it will represent as near to a complete resolution of the nuclear issue as could realistically be imagined. He argues further that the United States and South Korea should not stall on their planned economic and political engagement of North Korea because locking Pyong yang in a bold embrace, while an imperfect approach, still offers a far better chance than isolation.
Based on numerous interviews with U.S. and South Korean government officials, the book sheds much light on the bureaucratic infighting in Washington and reaches some surprising conclusions. The Department of Defense was the most consistent dove because its highest priority was to avoid a war in Korea. The Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, on the other hand, took the hawkish side because of its concern for the integrity of the Nonproliferation Treaty. There are also intriguing insights into the role of the media, Congress, and foreign policy analysts outside the government.
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Going Critical offers an insiders' view of the deal struck with North Korea in 1994 and a core lesson for the Bush administration: there's no substitute for negotiation.
After more than 50 years of dominating Northeast Asian diplomacy, Washington must now accommodate the fallout from the historic rapprochement between North and South Korea. As regional leaders take the reins of diplomacy, they face an uncertain future and lack the institutions that could guide the transition. The next U.S. administration can help, but not until it rethinks its own regional policies.
Pacific powers would like Korea to reunify slowly, but the North is soon likely to implode, its economy deteriorating as its weapons of mass destruction accumulate. Rapid reunification would spur economic growth, as in Germany, and reduce regional tensions. South Korea's liberalization of its own economy and strengthening of its civic institutions will prepare it to assist the North. China and Russia may not go along, but Western governments should stop coddling Pyongyang. America should underwrite a united Korea's security, and Japan its finances.
