The Crisis of the Italian State: From the Origins of the Cold War to the Fall of Berlusconi
This analysis of the crisis of Italy's parliamentary and party system by a learned and thought-provoking professor of European studies at The Johns Hopkins University Bologna Center provides an account of the turbulent politics of 1992-94. That period saw the "revenge" of the magistrates against the clientelistic political system set up by the Christian Democrats and their allies, the collapse of the Christian Democratic Party, and the rise of Berlusconi's Forza Italia. But McCarthy's ambitions go far beyond this: he tries to explain how the post-Mussolini system emerged, to throw light on the complex relations between the Vatican (to which he attributes a decisive influence) and the faction-ridden, Christian Democrats to show that the role of the United States in Italian politics was less constraining than received opinion has it, and to examine the reasons for the relative failure of the Italian Communist Party. McCarthy has many shrewd things to say about the corruption of the state and its relations with a rapidly changing Italian society. For all its lucidity, insight, and originality, this would have been an even better book if it had been longer and less compressed.
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The awesome floods of November aside, Italy in late 1966 was in a state of non-crisis. There has been enough political and economic instability in the past, however, to make us view this period of often frenetic progress toward industrialization and social unity as temporary. Fundamental social changes are in process. The business recession of 1964 seems a thing of the past. A government budget of $14.3 billion for 1967 has been prepared, including $1.4 billion for much-needed agricultural development during the next five years and another $600 million for the still depressed southern regions. After hesitant beginnings in February, the third coalition center- left government of the taciturn Christian Democratic premier, Aldo Moro, appears to be settling in with a minimum of open controversy for the period between now and the general elections in 1968. The strains among the basically mismated members of his cabinet are temporarily eased while the two major elements (Christian Democrats and Socialists) reform for the campaign to win the adherence of more than 32,000,000 voters. In foreign policy, reflecting as it does the gentler phase of the cold war, no initiatives are likely. None the less, there is much for Italy's politicians to do.
New general elections will be held in Italy in May. The present government coalition (formed by Christian Democrats and Socialists, with the addition of the very few but earnest Republicans) will defend itself on two fronts. From the radical Right will come the assaults of the not-numerous neo- Fascists and the still scarcer last-stand Monarchists; much more vigorous and dangerous attacks will be launched by the radical Left, the Communists and the revolutionary Socialists. Both radical Right and Left are theoretically sworn to destroy the present state of things and erect diametrically opposite régimes on the smoking ruins and the carnage. Such apocalyptic prospectives are not difficult to defeat, as they provoke more fear than hope in large sectors of the electorate.
Italy's entry into Europe's single currency was a triumph of fiscal displine over a long history of profligate spending. But Italy's embrace of European institutions is driven by more than just economics. "Europe" has helped Italy cement its national identity, clean up its politics, and modernize its laws. Although the European Union will never replace Italians' regional or national allegiances, it will always find its staunchest supporters in Rome rather than in Paris, Brussels, or Berlin.

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