Albert Speer: His Battle With Truth
Gitta Sereny, who has written prolifically about the Third Reich and spent 12 years working with Albert Speer and a large number of people who knew him, tells the story of his life in considerable detail and tries to establish whether he spoke the truth about what he knew of Hitler's horrors. Both attempts are as exasperating as they are exhaustive. The story of Speer's rise from Hitler's favorite architect to minister in charge of the war effort is a springboard for countless digressions, sketches of Nazi leaders, accounts of the unceasing quarrels among Hitler's deputies, and glimpses of the Nazi regime. Some of the digressions are useful, for instance, her account of Germany's atomic research that contradicts Werner Heisenberg's postwar claim that he and his colleagues deliberately slowed it down; others have a morbid fascination, such as the story of the Berlin Philharmonic's last concert before the fall of Berlin, at the end of which uniformed Hitler Youth offered spectators baskets of cyanide capsules. But whatever story line there is crumbles under the weight of all these nuggets.
Relentlessly and repeatedly, Sereny shows that Speer must have known more about the fate of the Jews, the realities of the concentration camps, and the treatment of foreign workers than he ever admitted. Yet she shows a kind of overall indulgence and tells us that she saw in Speer's battle with himself "the reemergence of the intrinsic morality he manifested as a boy and youth." This reader at least finds it difficult to share her fascination with a man who, for all his intelligence and skills, never lost his arrogance, made a rather profitable career, late in life, out of his generalized confession of guilt (always accompanied by evasion on specifics), and suavely denounced a regime he had (albeit with growing doubts as its failure was becoming obvious) served until the end in order to preserve his power. This book gives him the attention and importance he craved but did not deserve.
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Despite the myriad setbacks of recent months, the U.S.-European alliance is not doomed. But repairing it will require a strategic overhaul no less bold than that which followed the end of the Cold War. The key to today's transatlantic divide is not power but purpose. To revive and revamp the alliance, therefore, the United States and the European Union must forge a new grand strategy capable of meeting the great challenges of the era: expanding the Euro-Atlantic community and stabilizing the greater Middle East.
In the past, Germany has redefined itself as a nation only with dramatic consequences. Today it faces four distinct foreign policy choices: a deepening of the European Community; a widening of the EU and NATO to include Germany's eastern neighbors; a partnership with Russia; or the unilateral taking on of the rights and responsibilities of a world power, with all its financial and military obligations. What should Germany do? Take the eastern route, widening Europe so that it has stable democracies on both its flanks. What will Germany do? Probably nothing. Keeping to its postwar traditions, it will choose not to choose.
Washington wants to hire ex-Baathists to help rebuild Iraq. The CIA's experience using ex-Nazis to run West Germany's intelligence service should give it pause.

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