Affording Foreign Policy: The Problem Is Not Wallet, but Will
U.S. spending on foreign policy--defense, aid, and diplomacy--has been halved since 1962, while entitlements grab evermore tax dollars. Congress should now be investing more in national security, not beggaring it for a peace dividend.
Joshua Muravchik is a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute. His most recent book, The Imperative of American Leadership: A Challenge to Neo-Isolationism, from which this article is adapted, will be published by AEI Press in April.
In the spring of 1993, Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs Peter Tarnoff explained to a group of reporters that America's quiescent approach to the war in Bosnia would exemplify U.S. foreign policy in the post--Cold War era because "we certainly don't have the money" to tackle many international crises. These remarks were later disavowed by Clinton administration spokesmen, but Tarnoff had done nothing more than voice the conventional wisdom established as soon as the Cold War ended. Most often it is said that the United States no longer has the resources that it once devoted to foreign policy. But how can this be? America is the richest country the world has ever known, and its resources have been expanding.
There is no resource problem; there is a budget problem based on the American public's failure to reconcile its aversion to taxes with its appetite for benefits. Opinion polls consistently show that Americans prefer Republicans on taxes (to keep them low) and Democrats on benefits (to keep them high). Of course, Americans would rather not admit that federal budget woes arise from greed; better to blame generosity. Thus polls show that when Americans are asked to estimate the share of the budget devoted to foreign aid, the median response is 15 percent. When they are asked to suggest a proper amount, the median is 5 percent. There is a method in this madness: if foreign aid did consume 15 percent and was cut to 5, that would mean cutting the budget by 10 percent, which for now would almost bring it into balance.
Unfortunately, the share actually spent on U.S. foreign aid amounts to less than one percent; zeroing it out would scarcely dent the deficit. Indeed, the elimination of all spending related to foreign policy, even including the entire defense budget, would not balance the U.S. budget for long--not, that is, if entitlement spending continues on its recent trajectory.
THE GREAT MAW
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President Clinton and the Republican Congress do not agree on much, but both want to give the Pentagon more than it dared hope for in the post--Cold War era: some $260 billion a year. The Joint Chiefs say the United States should be ready to fight two wars at once, but would this really take as many troops as they claim, and is it even reasonable to plan for it? Look around at what allies and enemies are spending. Election time, however, is almost here, and politics in the defense debate has seldom run higher. What makes no strategic sense is good on the hustings.
When the global rate of population growth accelerated and reached an all-time high in the 1960s, the United States established foreign population assistance. In the 1980s, as ideological forces came into play, Washington reversed its position and forfeited its commanding role. The United States needs now to recapture its leadership role on population issues; a "continuation of this self-inflicted blindness to demographic insights is increasingly dangerous for U.S. foreign policy.
The debates over Kosovo blurred the old divisions between liberals and conservatives, but they did not rise above an even older split in American politics and foreign policy: the enduring divide between a hawkish South and a dovish North. Regional differences based on culture and values have made Greater New England the heartland of opposition to foreign wars and the U.S. military establishment since the 1700s; they have also made the South a bastion of interventionism. All too often, the regional divides over U.S. foreign policy have just been a reprise of the Civil War -- and they are a recipe for paralysis.
