Telltale Hearts: The Origins and Impact of the Vietnam Antiwar Movement
A provocative and wide-ranging, if somewhat unwieldy, examination of the Vietnam antiwar movement, from its origins in traditions of dissent to its impact and continuing influence. Garfinkle, executive editor at The National Interest, insists that public revulsion against the ‘irresponsibility and willful antipatriotism’ of radical protesters means that the antiwar movement cannot deserve credit for limiting and ultimately halting U.S. involvement. Garfinkle is refreshingly iconoclastic on a wide range of issues and as acerbic toward the Johnson administration as its radical critics. However, his claim that L.B.J.’s decision to reverse course might have come sooner had the antiwar movement not become radicalized is implausible. More implausible still is his claim that ‘it was the Nixon administration itself that elected not to take the time or spend the political capital necessary to save South Vietnam,’ which minimizes the responsibility, for good or ill, of the antiwar Democratic Congress for terminating U.S. involvement in Indochina. This book is unlikely to make the ‘telltale hearts’ of tenured radicals throb with guilt, but for those who hated the war and the radical opposition, Garfinkle provides an often brilliant though not always convincing assessment.
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For some months, 1966 promised to be a year of significant albeit gradual change in American policy toward Communist China. In a strange and paradoxical fashion, the emotional issues of the Viet Nam War opened the way for the most sober, responsible and even-handed public discussion of China since the Communists came to power. At Congressional hearings and in the mass media, scholars and leaders of opinion have dispassionately calculated the possibilities for change, and Administration leaders have in their customarily guarded language intimated that change was not impossible. Most significant of all, the American public demonstrated a gratifying degree of maturity by forgetting the old passions and asking for only facts and analyses about the new China. Our national mood was increasingly one of believing that with prudence and wisdom it would be possible to work toward gradually incorporating China into responsible world relationships.
The rioting crowds that clamored at the gates of the Japanese Diet building in May and June and the throngs of Zengakuren students who snake-danced wildly down the streets of Tokyo and swarmed over Hagerty's car at Haneda Airport have given pause to many persons in both the United States and Japan. . . . Never since the end of the war has the gap in understanding between Americans and Japanese been wider than over this incident. . . .
According to legend, when Cornwallis surrendered at Yorktown in 1781, he sent the British army marching out with colors cased and drums beating to the tune, "The World Turned Upside Down." Repeatedly over the intervening years, as in the preceding centuries, history has harbored those who have turned the world, or whose world has turned, upside down. Some were bent on radically uprooting, others on beneficially preserving, each according to his own lights. Revolutionaries and traditionalists alike frequently find the world behaving contrary to expectations.
