Politics After Hitler: The Western Allies and the German Party System; German Politics, 1945-1995
These two books are complementary. Rogers, a historian, makes an important contribution to the history of the Allies' occupation of western Germany by concentrating not on programs aimed at reforming German political culture but on efforts to revive and reorient party politics. He argues that Britain, the United States, and France played a major role in reshaping the party system. While he finds little evidence that they were relatively indulgent toward the right after the Cold War began, he shows that they were concerned with preventing both reaction and revolution, a revival of nationalism including that of Kurt Schumacher's Social Democratic Party (SPD), and splinter parties, and that the system of licenses and authorizations resulted in a limited number of moderate parties. This fine monograph tells a complex success story clearly and intelligently.
Pulzer, a political scientist at Oxford, begins not where Rogers leaves off, but with the reunification of Germany and the difficult problem of coping with two different pasts. He then turns to the history of the two post-1945 Germanies and discusses the victorious powers' goals, the foundation of the Federal Republic of Germany, and the Adenauer era. He is critical of the chancellor's reluctance to cleanse public life and of his domination of the political system but praises him for achieving social peace and moving toward European integration. He examines the rather unstable years after Adenauer, the role of the SPD in launching Ostpolitik, and the rule of Helmut Schmidt and Helmut Kohl. More briefly, he surveys what happened in the German Democratic Republic and the burdens of reunification. He finds that the current federal structure puts great strains on the five ‘Lander’ of the former German Democratic Republic. This too is a success story, despite occasional blemishes, and Pulzer tells it insightfully and elegantly.
Related
Seventeen months of intricate negotiation involving the four powers responsible for Germany, the two German states and the North Atlantic and Warsaw Treaty alliances have finally yielded a Berlin agreement. It is the first major East-West accord in Europe since the Austrian State Treaty in 1955 and suggests that old-fashioned diplomacy still has its virtues. The agreement's provisions, which are far better than Western foreign offices dared hope when the negotiations began, regulate the thorniest aspects of the Berlin problem, notably the access issue. But they do not solve the problem in the sense of establishing a new status for the city. Indeed, whether the agreement holds up at all depends on whether the present détente in Europe continues. Experience with Soviet policy has taught that this is not predictable. One result is, however, certain: the agreement compels the West to come fully to terms soon with the second German state. The German Democratic Republic is becoming, as Alice might put it, permanenter and permanenter.
Our foreign policy toward Eastern Europe is concerned with two closely linked areas: the Soviet Union, and the European states to the east and southeast of Germany which are connected with the Soviet Union in many ways. Although our foreign policy toward these states is called "East European policy," this term is relative. Countries like Poland or Czechoslovakia may lie east of Germany, but they have perfectly good geographical, historical and cultural reasons for regarding themselves as part and parcel of Central Europe.
In 1990, East Germany's ex-communists appeared to be in the political dustbin. Today, they are serious rivals of Germany's mainstream parties in the country's eastern states. The surprising rise of the Party of Democratic Socialism is a story of how a controversial political force took its own path toward normalization.

.jpg)
Sign-up for free weekly updates from ForeignAffairs.com.