The Propaganda Warriors: America's Crusade Against Nazi Germany
This study of American efforts to combat Nazi propaganda with a propaganda campaign that could match it focuses on the difficulties and rivalries that plagued the agencies that were put in charge (after a number of private initiatives that began in 1938). Neither the Moral Operations branch of William J. Donovan's rather Machiavellian and conservative Office of Strategic Services nor the Psychological Warfare Division of the army shared the enthusiasm of Robert Sherwood, the guiding spirit of the Office of War Information, for spreading a liberal, internationalist, and idealistic message aimed at the masses overseas rather than at the elites. Nor did Congress show much support for the OWI -- and, as usual, Roosevelt remained aloof and let the agencies overlap and compete. The author concludes that the "winning weapon in psychological warfare" was finally developed by the army, whose approach was "pragmatic and designed to appeal to the intelligence and common sense of the enemy's . . . populations rather than to their political or ideological fears or preferences." But there is no attempt here to provide evidence regarding the success of all these policies.
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Iran is the one sore spot in an otherwise highly cooperative German-American relationship. The United States has sought to punish the Islamic state for sponsoring terrorism. Germany has tried to maintain a "critical dialogue" of limited diplomacy and commerce, much as its Ostpolitik tried to engage Soviet bloc nations during the Cold War. U.S. officials decry Germany's shady dealings and billions of dollars in loans and credits to Iran. When challenged, German officials charge the United States with hypocrisy. Lurking behind the dispute is an uncomfortable fact: in a world without the Cold War, "rogue states" are not threatening enough to force accord among Western nations.
The Clinton administration needs to lead Europe and expand NATO, but without harming ties with Russia. Washington should dispel the ambiguity created by its current waffling. The president must take a two-track approach: start the process of accepting Central European states into NATO by spelling out criteria for membership and sign a global security treaty with Russia. To make it work, Germany and Poland will have to reconcile, the West and Russia will have to soothe Ukraine, and the problem of the Baltics will have to be finessed. Only American leadership can help create a wider, safer Europe for the next century.
The surface was all smiles and harmony. After years of transatlantic distress, the major nations of the democratic West assembled in May in the splendor of Colonial Williamsburg to manifest their unity and their confidence. There were two new faces among the seven heads of state and government, both symbols of a significant political change in their respective countries: West German Chancellor Helmut Kohl, who had replaced Helmut Schmidt in October 1982 and whose party, the Christian Democrats, had just been confirmed by a massive popular vote on March 6, and Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone, the leader of Japan's Liberal Democratic Party and government who, in striking contrast to his predecessors, articulated a newly confident, internationally minded Japan.

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